ON THE FATE OF HITLER AND HIS ROLE IN THE LAST BATTLE FOR BERLIN

On April 13, 1944, I had the opportunity to meet for the first time with the Fuhrer of Germany and the Commander-in-Chief of the German Armed Forces. Among 12 officers and generals, I was summoned to the Berghof near Berchtesgaden to receive a military award - oak leaves to the Knight's Cross.

Hitler's chief adjutant, the infantry general, lined us up all 12 officers in Hitler's large office and carefully instructed that when introducing ourselves to Hitler, we should only give him our last name, rank and position, adding that if Hitler wanted to know more about us, he himself will ask questions.

Enter Hitler. A sickly pallor covered his face, and he was all swollen and hunched over. Each of us named ourselves according to the instructions we received. Handing us awards, Hitler limited himself to one handshake of the awarded, without uttering a single word. Only to one lieutenant general, who came on crutches, Hitler asked about his health.

After that, we all sat down at a large round table in his office, and Hitler gave us a half-hour speech, which was delivered in a low, monotonous voice.

In the first part of his speech, Hitler touched upon the development of our and the enemy's weapons and the resulting tactics. At the same time, Hitler sprinkled his speech with various numerical data on caliber, range, armor thickness, etc. It was striking that Hitler had an exceptional memory. However, the questions he raised, it seemed to me, were of secondary importance.

In the second part of his report, he touched upon political developments. “Cooperation between Anglo-Americans and Russians,” Hitler declared, “cannot be long and successful, since the concepts of communism and capitalism are incompatible.” Proceeding from this position, Hitler, as was evident from his speech, hoped for a favorable outcome of the war. Having finished his speech, Hitler stood up, shook hands with each of us again, and we dispersed.

Dissatisfied and disappointed, I left the Berghof. The conversation that followed after this with the general of artillery characterizes this mood.

We asked ourselves why it was necessary to invite us from the front to Berchtesgaden. Most of the recipients expected that Hitler would use this opportunity to share the experience of past battles with each of those present. After all, these were experienced officers, whom he called to him directly from the front. A genuine commander should have awakened an interest in their needs and requests.

“You see, here we got an idea of ​​the invisible wall that encloses Hitler,” were the words of Martinek. “Yes,” I replied, “Hitler cannot and does not want to hear about what reality looks like. The Camarilla took care of it. Otherwise, General Schmundt would not have lectured us so carefully about what we should talk about during a meeting with Hitler.

“For the same reason,” Martinek interjected, “obviously, Hitler has stopped his trips to the front for the last 1.5 years, otherwise some straight person could tell Hitler that with such military leadership we will never win the war.”

Under completely different circumstances, I had to meet with Hitler a year later. The Russian spring offensive of 1945 on the Oder began on 14 April. The 56th Panzer Corps, which I then commanded, was located on the Seelow-Bukov sector, west of Kustrin - the sector of the main direction of the Russian offensive. Shortly after the start of the Russian offensive, as a result of exceptionally heavy fighting, breakthroughs occurred on the right and left flanks of the sector I was defending, as well as in the rear of the corps. Communication with two neighboring corps and with the army was interrupted. But the corps was still able to conduct defensive battles and retreat west to the outer defense ring of Berlin.

On April 21, I sent a lieutenant general, former commander of the Berlin division, to establish contact with the 9th Army. Two days later Voigtsberger returned from the army and reported the following to me with great excitement. The army received a message that, allegedly, I had relocated with my corps headquarters to Deberitz, west of Berlin. In this regard, Hitler issued an order for my arrest and execution. Voigtsberger stressed that in the army he pointed out the improbability of such a redeployment. The combat order he brought from the army to the 56th Panzer Corps was that he should contact the left flank of his neighbor on the right.

What concerned me personally remained at first incomprehensible to me, but the received combat mission of the army made our hearts beat faster, as the thought of the upcoming battles in the ruined city oppressed us.

I, together with the chief of staff, the colonel, immediately began to prepare an order to regroup the corps on the night of April 23-24. During this work, the chief of staff of the fortified area of ​​Berlin, the colonel, transmitted by telephone the general’s order to expel the headquarters officer of the 56th Panzer Corps with a map of the location of the units to the imperial chancellery.

For two reasons, I decided to go to the Imperial Chancellery myself. First, I wanted to know why the order was issued for my arrest and execution. Secondly, he intended, if possible, to ensure that the corps did not participate in the battles in the destroyed city.

At 6 pm, accompanied by the head of department 1 A of the headquarters of the corps, a major, I arrived at the imperial chancellery. From the pavement of the Fossstrasse, the stairs led to the underground city, which was built between the Wilhelmstrasse and the Hermann Goeringstrasse. One can get an idea of ​​the size of this shelter if we take into account that during the intensified raids on Berlin, every evening, 4-5 thousand children of Berlin were guests of Hitler, who were accommodated there and ate.

We were immediately led into the so-called adjutant bunker. I was received by the Chief of the German General Staff, Infantry General Krebs, and Hitler's personal adjutant General of Infantry. The meeting was somewhat cold, despite the fact that [I] knew Krebs well from the time of the Reichswehr and later, when he was the chief of staff of the 9th Army and the army group "Center".

In the course of the ensuing conversation, I was able to convince both generals without difficulty that I did not intend, and indeed there was no point or expediency, to redeploy to Deberitz, given the military situation of recent days. They were forced to confess that they took some insignificant rumor as a fact and now, after my explanation, they regret their gullibility. Nevertheless, it turned out that I was nevertheless removed from my position, however, they did not say a word about this to me.

Speaking about the situation in East Berlin, Krebs told me that they were greatly concerned about the deep penetration of the Russian units. They wanted to discuss with me what countermeasures could be taken by the 56th Panzer Corps.

When I brought to their attention the combat assignment of the corps received from the 9th Army, Krebs exclaimed: “Impossible, absolutely impossible! I will immediately report this to the Fuhrer." With these words, Krebs left me, Burgdorf followed him like his shadow.

I instructed Major Knappe, who was accompanying me, to warn the chief of staff by telephone that the corps might be used east of Berlin that night. During this telephone conversation, the chief of staff said that a telegram was received from the Land Army Personnel Office, signed by Burgdorf, which read: “The artillery general is being transferred to the OKH command reserve. The commander of the 56th tank corps is appointed lieutenant general - commander of the 25th tank division.

I was extremely outraged. After all, it was only by chance that I managed to rehabilitate myself now. But how many generals have lately been exiled unheard simply because they could not refute the rumors spread about them!

While Krebs and Burgdorf were away, I received a brief briefing on the situation in Berlin from one of the officers at Krebs' disposal.

Hitler, with a small number of his employees, remains in Berlin to personally direct the defense of the capital. The flight of state authorities from Berlin began on April 15th. The road to Munich was called the "Imperial Refugee Road".

From OKW and OKH formed two operational headquarters; the first headquarters "Nord" led by a field marshal and the second headquarters "South" - with a field marshal. The latter was seconded as chief of staff, Colonel-General.

How quickly and ill-conceived the reorganization took place could already be judged by the fact that both headquarters took all the radio stations with them from Berlin. The German command in Berlin had to be content for radiograms only with the remaining SS radio station associated with the station at headquarters.

I was told briefly about the following interesting event. On April 23, a telegram from Berchtesgaden fell like a bomb on the Imperial Chancellery. Goering demanded from Hitler the transfer of executive state power due to the fact that Hitler was unable to carry out government affairs in Berlin. Goering referred to Hitler's speech to the Reichstag on September 1, 1939, where Goering in this speech allegedly appointed Hitler's successor.

Krebs and Burgdorf returned from a report from Hitler. Krebs told me: “You must immediately report to the Fuhrer on the situation in your corps. The order of the 9th Army is cancelled. The corps will be used east of Berlin this night." Then I gave vent to my indignation and declared that its commander, General Burmeester, should report on the position of the corps. By joint efforts, both generals barely managed to calm me down, and they said that Hitler decided, of course, to leave me at the head of the corps as before.

Despite the fact that I passed through the Fuhrer's hideout accompanied by both generals, my papers were nevertheless checked three times in the most thorough manner. Finally, the SS-Unter [Sturm] Fuhrer took my belt and pistol away from me.

From the so-called Kolenhofv, a path leads deeper underground into a labyrinth of shelters. Through a small kitchen we entered a kind of officers' room, in which a large number of officers were dining. Then we went down the floor below and ended up in the reception room of the Fuhrer's office.

There were a large number of people in gray and brown uniforms. Walking through the reception, I recognized only the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Then the door opened and I stood before Adolf Hitler.

In a relatively small room, he sat in an armchair in front of a large table. At my arrival, Adolf Hitler stood up with noticeable tension and leaned on the table with both hands. His left leg trembled continuously. Two feverishly burning eyes looked at me from a swollen face. The smile on his face was replaced by a frozen mask. He held out his right hand to me. Both hands also trembled like the left leg. "Do I know you?" - he asked. I replied that a year ago I received an award from his hands - oak leaves. To this, Hitler said that he easily remembers names, but no faces. After this greeting, Hitler sank back into his chair.

I reported on the situation in the corps and stated that the redeployment of the corps for regrouping to the southeast had already begun. If the order is now given for a 180° reverse hull transfer, it is to be expected that there will be a terrible mess tomorrow morning.

After a short conversation between Hitler and Krebs, the order to send a corps to the eastern sector of Berlin was again confirmed to me.

In the end, Hitler developed a lengthy conversation, characteristic of his criminal amateurism, an operational plan for liberation from the blockade of Berlin. He spoke in a low voice with long pauses, often repeated himself, and suddenly became interested in secondary issues, which for some reason were discussed comprehensively.

Hitler's "operational combat plan" boiled down to the following. The 12th shock army, under the command of a lieutenant general, emerges from the Brandenburg region in order to advance through Potsdam into the southwestern part of Berlin. At the same time, the 9th Army receives an order to break away from the enemy on the Oder line and conduct an offensive in the southeastern part of Berlin. As a result of the interaction of both armies, Russian forces should be destroyed south of Berlin.

To create the maneuverability of the 12th Shock Army and the 9th Army, the following German forces will be sent to the northern part of Berlin against the Russians: from the Nauen area - the 7th Panzer Division and from the area south of Furstenberg - the SS strike group Steiner.

Later, i.e. as soon as the Russian forces are destroyed south of Berlin, it is planned, through the interaction of all four attacking groups, to destroy also the Russian forces north of Berlin. When Hitler finished his presentation, it seemed to me that everything he said, I heard in a dream.

For several days now I had been incessantly participating in great battles and knew only one thing, that in a few days the final catastrophe would occur if a miracle did not happen in the last hour.

Ammunition was available in limited quantities, there was almost no fuel, and most importantly, the troops fought without the will to resist, since they no longer believed in victory and the expediency of this resistance.

Is a miracle possible? Is Wenk's shock army the German reserve that he has been talking about so much in his propaganda in recent weeks ??? Or it was only the fabrications of a fanatic who has no idea about reality.

Shaken by the sight of the human ruin that stands at the head of the German state and being under a strong negative impression of the dilettantism that reigned in the leading instances, I left the Fuhrer's office. When I left, Hitler stood up with noticeable difficulty and offered me his hand. Not a word was said about the arrest, execution and dismissal from office. In the shelter of the postgraduate student, Krebs explained to me on a map of the city of Berlin the order received by my corps. I was to take over four sectors of the defense of the eastern and southern parts of Berlin out of the existing nine. The remaining five sections remained in the hands of the commander of the defensive area. My corps reported directly to Hitler.

At the same time, I did not fail to remark to General Krebs: "Thus, Hitler is, in fact, the commander of the defensive area of ​​Berlin!" And he immediately asked him a question: “Do you think that Hitler’s operational plan includes a calculation for liberation from the blockade of Berlin? Hitler, for example, gives the 9th Army both defensive and offensive tasks. Do you here, in general, have an idea about the state of the army at the present time? The left flank corps has already been completely defeated, its miserable remnants are in the Weiksel army group. Hitler subjugated my corps with his heavily battered five divisions. All I know about the neighboring right corps is that it fought just as fiercely as we did, and is, if not in that, then even worse condition. There can be no very strong 9th Army either. Despite this, the army, with stubborn and strong pressure from the Russian units, would have to withdraw from the Oder and take part in the battles in the southern part of Berlin. You know, Krebs, I can't follow Hitler's thoughts."

Krebs answered this only with empty phrases. In the meantime, I issued an order for combat operations to my divisions and chose the Tempelhof airfield premises as the command post. At about 10 p.m. I left the office and went to the commanders of the defense sectors again subordinate to me in order to get an orientation on the situation on the spot.

The picture from the conversation with the commanders of the sections looked as follows. Berlin was defended not by cohesive troops, but not by organically brought together headquarters and formations. From somewhere they got more or less suitable officers as commanders. These commanders were to form their headquarters first. There were absolutely no means of communication.

The infantry consisted of Volkssturm battalions, artillery formations and units of the Hitler Youth. For anti-tank defense, there were only anti-tank grenades (Panzerfaust). Artillery was equipped only with captured guns. There was no unified artillery command.

The backbone of the entire defense was anti-aircraft batteries, controlled centrally. But, in view of the fact that there were few traction means, fixed batteries were only conditionally suitable for ground battles.

The orders came in confusing. In addition to military command instances, orders in the districts were issued by a large number of party leaders, such as, for example, the commissar of defense, deputy gauleiter, etc.

Most of all, I was shocked by the fate of the civilian population, to the suffering of which Hitler did not pay the slightest attention. It was easy for every far-sighted person to imagine what a terrible drama was being prepared.

Late on the evening of April 24, my chief of staff arrived at the corps command post and informed me that the corps' night movements were proceeding largely according to plan. Shortly thereafter, I was again summoned to the Imperial Chancellery. I arrived there around 12 noon.

Krebs told me the following: “In connection with the impression that you made on the Fuhrer yesterday, he appoints you commander of the fortified area of ​​Berlin. Go immediately to the command post of the fortified area in Hohenhollandam and let me know about the reception of command.

I could only answer: "It would have been better if Hitler had left the order for my execution in force, then at least this cup would have passed me."

However, the real reason for my appointment was, of course, the impression I had made on Hitler. The first commander of the fortified area, Lieutenant General, after a clash with the Berlin Defense Commissioner Goebbels, was dismissed from his post on April 24. His successor was the chief of staff of the Office of National Socialist Education under the OKH, Colonel, who received the rank of lieutenant general during his tenure in this position. In view of the fact that Keter did not have sufficient training for this leadership position, and I was the only commander of the military units at hand, this task was assigned to me.

Upon taking command of the defensive area, it became clear to me that the real commander was the Berlin fortified commissar, Dr. Goebbels, with his retinue. The headquarters of the fortified area was used mainly as an information office (due to the confusion of orders), so this greatly interfered with the military leadership of defensive battles.

I did not get an accurate idea of ​​the number of defensive troops either when I received the fortified area, or later. Now I think that they amounted to 80-100 thousand people. In terms of their training, armament and composition, these troops were not in a position to defend a million-strong city against a modern army.

In mid-April, 30 of the most well-armed Volkssturm battalions were formed in Berlin and attached to the 9th Army. The former commander, Lieutenant General Reiman, protested against this military nonsense, for which, as already mentioned, he was removed from his post.

Instruction on this more than difficult section took me half a day on April 24th. Only at about 7 pm I was able to inform Krebs that I had taken over the command of the fortified area. On April 25, I was on the road almost all day to see for myself that my sector was ready for defense. I managed to establish some interesting details. So, for example, no measures were taken to evacuate the central districts of the city, which at any time could become an arena of fighting. It was his own business to determine where the civilian population should go.

None of the bridges were prepared for the explosion. Goebbels entrusted this to the Shpur organization, due to the fact that when the bridges were blown up by military units, economic damage was caused to the surrounding properties. It turned out that all the materials for preparing the bridges for the explosion, as well as the ammunition prepared for this, were taken out of Berlin during the evacuation of the Shpur institutions.

In the evening I was invited to the Imperial Chancellery to discuss the situation. At 21 o'clock I came to Krebs. Shortly before this, the Colonel-General of Aviation arrived at the Imperial Chancellery on a stretcher, who flew to Berlin with a pilot, and was wounded in the leg during landing. Hitler appointed Ritter von Greim commander-in-chief of the German air force, and made him field marshal general. Goering was removed.

Before the meeting, Hanna Reisch passed me several times, once arm in arm with. The rest of the time she was in Hitler's private quarters. I heard that Hanna Reisch brought Field Marshal Greim out of Berlin that same night. Mrs. Goebbels later saw almost every evening in Hitler's hideout.

Almost all of Hitler's employees gathered in the Fuhrer's waiting room. I was introduced to Goebbels, who greeted me with the utmost courtesy. His appearance resembled the spiritualized Mephistopheles. Goebbels' adjutant, the secretary of state, was tall and slender, but otherwise resembled a portrait of his master. The Reichsleiter, as I was later told in the Imperial Chancellery, was the evil spirit of Hitler. With his close friend Burgdorf, he indulged in earthly pleasures, in which cognac and port wine played the main role. The ambassador huddled in a corner, and I got the impression that he had renounced everything. I never saw Ribbentrop again; it was said that he had left Berlin.

Assistant Gauleiter of Berlin - Dr. Schatz almost crawled in front of his master Goebbels. The leader of the German youth looked modest and withdrawn. Himmler's liaison officer, Gruppenführer, was an arrogant, swaggering and confident leader of the SS. In addition, there were Hitler's adjutants: from the army - a major, from the air force - a colonel, from the SS troops - Sturmbannführer Günsche. From the navy there was only one liaison officer - Rear Admiral.

When Krebs arrived with an operational map, we all entered the Fuhrer's office. Hitler greeted me with a handshake. Goebbels immediately took a seat opposite Hitler against the wall, where he usually sat during all meetings. Everyone else was seated in the office anywhere.

Opposite Hitler stood Krebs, then Burgdorf and Bormann, to the left - me, ready for a report. I had to make an effort to force myself not to look at the figure of Hitler lowered into an armchair, whose arms and legs were constantly moving.

I began the report with a description of the enemy, having as visual material a large schematic map prepared by me with the designation of enemy forces. Hitler showed particular interest in this map. During the report, he turned several times to Krebs with the question of whether the data I had given about the power of the enemy really corresponded to the truth. Krebs confirmed my data every time.

Then I reported on the position of our troops. With the exception of two deep breakthroughs near Spandau, and in the northern part of Berlin, they still managed to hold the main front line. In passing, I touched upon the situation in the defense sectors of Berlin in connection with the deployment of my corps there. Hitler, however, forced me to tell about it in more detail.

When I also touched on the situation of the German population, I immediately noticed that I had touched on a territory alien to everyone. Goebbels became worried, looked at me intently and took the floor without asking permission from Hitler.

Everything, according to Goebbels, of course, was in order, as his deputy reported to him from time to time. I felt insecure and had to suppress my resentment. At the end of my speech, I pointed out the great danger that threatened the entire supply. All supply depots were in the outer city, and they were in danger. Goebbels intended to intervene again, but then Krebs spoke and began to report on the general situation.

It became clear to me how this camarilla was interconnected and everything that was unpleasant to them was sabotaged. The role of Hitler seemed to me already played. A physically and mentally broken man was now only a tool in the hands of this camarilla.

From the report of Krebs on April 25, 45, the following points remained in my memory. Krebs reported: “1. The 9th Army reported that it set off on a campaign in the direction of Sukenwald, i.e. towards the west."

Hitler tapped excitedly on the table with the three pencils that he constantly held in his left hand, and which served him to calm his trembling hands.

Did he see his building of the "operational plan" for liberation from the blockade of Berlin destroyed? Krebs, however, was able to deftly reassure Hitler, despite the fact that it was clear to every far-sighted person that the 9th Army, after the withdrawal of the 56th Panzer Corps, was not in a position to attack large Russian forces.

The desire of the 9th Army was, of course, to avoid encirclement and link up with General Wenck's 12th Shock Army, and Krebs reported: “2. The 12th shock army of General Wenck launched an offensive with 3.5 divisions to liberate Berlin from the blockade. These were the reserves of Germany!

“3. Wide and deep penetrations of Russian units in the Weiksel Army Group will have to have a negative impact on the defense of Berlin. Meanwhile, it was already 1 am. After the meeting, everyone, including the three secret secretaries, took part in a casual conversation. Here I got to know some people better.

On April 26, the position of the defenders of Berlin became more critical. In all areas there were deep breakthroughs. Krebs called almost every hour, and tried to present the general situation in Berlin as favorable as possible. First of all, his information was that the 12th shock army was moving forward and that its combat patrols were already approaching Potsdam. Despite repeated requests, Krebs did not give any answer about the northern groups, the offensive of which was so desirable in the given position of Berlin. In fact, both groups didn't even perform.

Another episode that characterizes the behavior of the camarilla should also be mentioned. Late in the evening, Goebbels called on the phone. In the most polite tone, he asked me to let one of the commanders of the subsection from northern Berlin, a lieutenant colonel, let me go to the imperial office for a few hours.

Berenfenger, before the arrival of my corps, was an independent commander of the defense section, then he became the commander of the subsection. A former head of the Hitler Youth, he was a fanatical supporter of Hitler and well known to Goebbels. Touched by his pride, he turned to Goebbels.

Approximately 2-3 hours after the conversation with Goebbels, General Burgdorf also called on the phone, who informed me that Lieutenant Colonel Berenfenger had been promoted to major general and Hitler expressed his desire that General Berenfenger be appointed as commander of an independent sector. It began to seem to me that the fortified area had turned into a lunatic asylum.

I informed Krebs daily of the situation. I was released from the daily evening discussions of the strategic situation in the Imperial Chancellery due to my heavy workload.

On April 27, the enemy ring closed around Berlin, and he was surrounded. In a concentrated offensive, Russian tank and rifle divisions were getting closer and closer to the city center. In the terrible days of April, the civilian population watched with horror as during these fierce battles everything that had been saved from the Anglo-American bombing was completely destroyed. The population huddled in bomb shelters and the subway like cattle. This life didn't make any sense to him anymore. No light, no gas, no water!

The worst was the situation in the hospitals. Professor Sauerbruch, in his letter to the commandant of Berlin, depicted the terrible fate of the wounded. As an old frontline soldier, I know how brutal modern warfare is. However, what Berlin has experienced surpasses everything. Early in the morning our command post in Hohenzollerndam was shelled and we had to move to Benderblock.

On the evening of April 27, it became quite clear to me that there were only two possibilities: surrender or breakthrough. Further continuation of the struggle in Berlin meant a crime. My task was to, during the next discussion of the situation in the imperial chancellery, outline to Hitler the futility of further struggle, and achieve agreement on the surrender of Berlin.

At 10 pm on April 27, 1945, a discussion of the situation took place in Hitler's office. I began by outlining the enemy's strategic situation. According to the intelligence of my corps, the Russian tank army operating in the southern part of Berlin was replaced by a rifle army. It could be assumed that the Russian command threw this tank army towards the 12th Army. General Wenck, after the first successes, fought heavy defensive battles southwest of Potsdam. Berlin was surrounded and there was no sense of distraction by the four advancing groups. Berlin can no longer be liberated from the blockade.

In this regard, I pointed out the great danger that threatened the units, thanks to German propaganda. Until recently, there were newspapers in Berlin with headlines: "Numerous armies rush to free Berlin from the blockade." Soon the parts will find out what was true and what was fiction.

Goebbels interrupted me, saying indignantly: “Would you like to reproach me!?” I had to restrain myself to answer calmly: "As commander of the troops, I consider it my duty to point out this danger." Bormann reassured Goebbels. This clash took place in the presence of Hitler, however, he did not say a word.

At that moment, Secretary of State Naumann burst into the office and, interrupting my report, reported in great excitement: “My Fuhrer, the Stockholm radio transmitter, reported that Himmler had made an offer to the British and Americans about the surrender of Germany, and received from them the answer that they would only then agree to negotiate if a third partner, Russia, is involved in this.

Silence reigned. Hitler tapped his three pencils on the table. His face contorted, fear and fear were visible in his eyes. In a silent voice, he said something to Goebbels, similar to the word "traitor." An unpleasant silence reigned for some time, then Krebs, in a low voice, invited me to continue my report.

I continued to report. Both airfields in Berlin, Tempelhof and Gatow were lost. The alternate airfield built in the Tiergarten, due to the large number of craters from bombs and grenades, was only partially suitable for the departure of individual aircraft. The supply of Berlin became possible only from the air. Almost all large food depots, including the western port, passed into the hands of the enemy on April 26 and 27. There was already a shortage of ammunition.

Since a few weeks ago in East Prussia I had to experience the defeat of an entire army in a small area, it was not difficult for me to draw a picture of the next few days. But this time the situation was to be even worse, since the fate of the units was to be shared by the civilian population. I drew the terrible fate of the wounded, and read out Professor Sauerbruch's letter.

Before I was about to sum it all up, Hitler interrupted me: "I know what you're getting at," and gave a long explanation of why Berlin must be defended to the last moment. His speech was replete with long pauses, during which Goebbels intervened several times, emphasizing what Hitler had said.

Hitler's brief speech was as follows: “If Berlin falls into the hands of the enemy, then the war will be lost. For this reason I am here, and I strongly reject any surrender." This time, I decided to refuse the offer to get out of the encirclement by a breakthrough. In view of the fact that it was already 2 am, we were released. Hitler remained in his office - himself, Goebbels and Bormann.

We, everyone else, sat side by side in another room, and began to discuss Himmler's betrayal. At the end of the conversation, I developed a plan to break out of Berlin. Krebs showed great interest in this. He gave me the task to develop a breakthrough plan, and report on it at the next meeting. His interest was so great that he asked me for a draft in order to make his own comments.

The development of a breakthrough plan was carried out on the morning of April 28 at the command post in Bendelerblock. The breakthrough was supposed to be three waves from two sides through the Havel bridges south of Spandau. Hitler and his staff were to be in the third wave.

At noon my chief of staff, Colonel von Dupfing, went to the Imperial Chancellery and presented the draft to General Krebs. Krebs approved this plan. Meanwhile, the situation worsened. The ring around Berlin was shrinking more and more. At 10 pm on April 28, 1945, a discussion of the strategic situation took place again.

The number of listeners has decreased. Two adjutants were missing, Colonel von Below and Major Johannmeier. They were said to have been sent from Berlin with important documents. How and in what way they left Berlin, I did not manage to find out. Whether I saw Gruppenfuehrer Fegelein in the last group on April 28 or 29, I cannot say with all certainty. I became aware of his execution on Hitler's orders only a few months later in Moscow.

This time, in view of the fact that the troops were noticeably short of ammunition, and the supply of the city from the air was not sufficient, it was not difficult for me to move on to the proposal for a breakthrough. Krebs took a positive stance on this issue.

Hitler thought for a long time, then in a tired, hopeless voice he said: “How can this breakthrough help? Do I need to wander somewhere in the neighborhood, and wait for my end in a peasant's house or in another place. Better then, I'll stay here."

Now everything was clear. It was about his personality, about his "I". Goebbels' remarks were in the same spirit: "Of course, my Fuhrer, absolutely right!"

I expected everything, but not such an explanation. In order to be able to sit out as long as possible safely in a bomb shelter, many thousands of people from both sides had to make sacrifices at the front in this criminal struggle.

I left the Imperial Chancellery in an angry mood. With quick steps the drama was drawing to a close. Air supply on the night of April 28-29 brought almost no results: only 6 tons of ammunition were brought up, among them 8-10 faustpatrons, 15-20 artillery charges and a small amount of medicines.

The troops demanded the delivery of ammunition more and more insistently. Communication with individual sections of the defense could only be carried out with the help of orderly officers, who had to move on foot, since it was not possible to drive around Berlin by car.

We were on the main defensive line with our command post. Opposite us, on the other side of the Landwehr canal, was the enemy. The Reichstag building was lost. Enemy machine guns were concentrated on Potsdamer Platz.

Running under the shelling of machine guns and grenade launchers, I got to the Imperial Chancellery covered in mud. It was already 22:00 on April 29th. Life in an underground bomb shelter was like a command post at the front. Those gathered in the office to discuss the situation were in a depressed mood. Hitler, haggard even more than before, stared blankly at the operational map in front of him.

I, having expressed the well-known proposition that even the bravest soldier cannot fight without ammunition, insistently asked, as far as possible, that Hitler be allowed to start a breakthrough. I ended my speech with the words: "The breakthrough will be possible if the shock group goes towards us."

With bitter irony in his voice, Hitler declared: “Look at my operational map. Everything here is plotted not on the basis of information from our own high command, but on the basis of reports from foreign transmitters. Nobody tells us anything. I can order anything, but none of my orders are carried out anymore.

Krebs supported me in my efforts to get permission for a breakthrough, however, in a very cautious manner. Finally a decision was made. With a further lack of air supply, troops can break through in small groups. However, with the condition that all these groups must still continue to fight further, wherever possible. There can be no question of surrender.

If I could not get Hitler to stop the useless bloodshed, then I still managed to persuade him to stop the resistance in Berlin.

Not a word was said about Hitler's whereabouts during this breakthrough. I thought about it only when I arrived at my command post. However, it was not my job to take care of his personality.

At 10 o'clock on April 30, all the section commanders were summoned to the Bandlerblock on my order to explain to them what "small groups" means and to set the time for a breakthrough. In view of the fact that on the night of April 29-30 the air supply was almost completely cut off, I fixed the time for the breakthrough to be 10 p.m. on April 30.

The commanders agreed with my point of view that the military units they command should remain under their command. We agreed that the concept of "small groups" should include those groups that were in the hands of commanders. This was contrary to Hitler's orders. However, there was no way to speak with Krebs. From early morning all telephone communication was broken.

At about 13:00, the commanders dispersed. They had a moral relief due to the fact that they did not have to fight hopeless battles in Berlin. The future seemed less bleak to them.

I intended to report to the Imperial Chancellery after dinner. At 15 o'clock a Sturmbannfuehrer (I don't remember his last name) arrived from there. He had the task of delivering Hitler's letter to me personally. The thought immediately crossed my mind that I would be held accountable for violating the Führer's order regarding the definition of "small groups". My incredulous officers let the Sturmbannfuehrer through to me without the people accompanying him only after they took away his weapons.

I opened the letter full of tension. It was dated April 30, 1945. Hitler once again repeated in it what had been said at the last meeting, namely: “In the further absence of air supply, a breakthrough in small groups is allowed. These groups must continue to fight where possible. Resolutely reject all surrender." The letter was signed in pencil.

At about 5 p.m. I was about to go to the Imperial Chancellery when the Sturmbannfuehrer reappeared. He was brought to me, and he handed over a note with the following content: “General Weidling must immediately appear in the Imperial Chancellery to see Krebs. All events scheduled for the evening of April 30 must be postponed.” At the bottom it was written - "Sturmbannfuehrer and adjutant." The signature was illegible.

I learned from the Sturmbannfuehrer that the adjutant of the Brigadeführer had signed this note. Mohnke was the commander of the section in the government quarter, and reported directly to Hitler.

I faced a difficult decision again. Is all this correct? Is this order not a ploy of fanatical people who intend to fight in Berlin to the last bullet? Or did some event occur that gave rise to a completely different view of the situation? After all, if I stay one more evening, then there will be only one possibility - surrender. Considering all this, I decided to carry out this order and go to the imperial office.

The Bendlerblock was located about 1200 meters from the Imperial Chancellery. At normal times, this path required a quarter of an hour's walk, but now almost five times as much. I had to make my way through the ruins, cellars, gardens. Almost all the way we had to jump from place to place. At about 6 or 7 pm I arrived at the Imperial Chancellery covered in a sweat.

I was immediately taken to the Fuhrer's office. Goebbels, Bormann and Krebs were already sitting at the table. When I arrived, all three stood up. Krebs solemnly stated the following: “1. Hitler committed suicide at 3 pm. 2. His death must remain a secret for the time being. Only a very small circle of people know about it. You must also pledge secrecy. 3. Hitler's body, according to his last will, was doused with gasoline and burned in a shell crater on the territory of the imperial office. 4. In his will, Hitler appointed the following government: Reich President - Grand Admiral, Reich Chancellor - Reich Minister Goebbels, Party Minister - Reichsleiter Bormann, Minister of Defense - Field Marshal, German Minister of the Interior -. The remaining ministerial posts are currently not filled, as they do not matter. 5. The marshal was informed about this by radio. 6. Already for about 2 hours an attempt has been made to contact the Russian command authorities with the aim of asking for a cessation of hostilities in Berlin. In case of success, the German government legalized by Hitler appears on the stage, which will negotiate surrender with Russia. I'm going as a parliamentarian."

The mood of those present seemed strange, and the businesslike tone with which Krebs spoke. I had the impression that all three were untouched by the death of Hitler, who was still their god. It seemed to me that I was in a circle of sales leaders who were conferring after the departure of their master, and involuntarily said: “First I must sit down. Do any of you have a cigarette. Now you can smoke in this room.

Goebbels pulled out a pack of English cigarettes and offered it to us. I took a few minutes to reflect on what Krebs said. My first thought was: “And we fought for this suicide for 5.5 years. Having dragged us into this terrible misfortune, he himself chose an easier way, and left us to our fate. Now it is necessary to put an end to this madness as soon as possible.”

I turned to Krebs with the words: “Krebs, you have been in Moscow for a long time and you should know Russians better than anyone. Do you believe that the Russians will agree to a truce? Tomorrow or the day after tomorrow, Berlin will still fall into their hands like a ripe apple. The Russians know this, just like we do. In my opinion, the Russians will only agree to unconditional surrender. Should the senseless struggle continue?

Instead of Krebs, Goebbels answered. In harsh words, he pointed out to me that it was necessary to discard any idea of ​​the surrender of Berlin. "Hitler's will is still binding on us."

Then, calming down, he stated the following: “The traitor Himmler unsuccessfully tried to negotiate with the British and Americans. The Russians would rather agree to negotiate with a legitimate government than with a traitor. Perhaps we can make a special peace with the Russians. Everything depends on how soon this legalized government is formed, and for this a truce is needed.

"Mr. Reich Minister, do you really think that Russia will enter into negotiations with the government in which you sit - the most ardent representative of National Socialism?" I was only able to answer.

When Goebbels, making an offended face, wanted to object, Krebs and Bormann intervened in the conversation. Both began to convince me of the need to make every effort to conclude a separate peace with Russia.

My opinion that the negotiations could only end in unconditional surrender did not find support.

As for Krebs, I felt that internally he agreed with me in many ways. So, for example, he asked me: "Can you point us to a person with whom the Russians would agree to negotiate." For some reason, the surname of Professor Zauebruch came to my mind.

Krebs did not dare to speak with his opinion, and he spoke out, like the other two, for a truce.

…I was detained in the Imperial Chancellery. I had to wait for the return of Krebs. While waiting for Krebs, I managed to learn from Burgdorf and Bormann the details of Hitler's last hours.

Hitler's fear of death has increased markedly in recent times. If, for example, a grenade hit his bomb shelter, he ordered to find out as soon as possible whether everything was in order. In general, grenade attacks on Hitler's bomb shelter caused him great irritation.

On the night of April 29/30, Hitler informed his staff of his decision to commit suicide. Mrs. Goebbels, allegedly, knelt before Hitler, and asked him not to leave everyone in difficult hours. Hitler poisoned himself and then shot himself. His wife also got poisoned.

According to the last will of Hitler, the corpses should be burned. “I don’t want,” Hitler allegedly said, “my body to be paraded in Moscow.”

Three SS sheep put the corpses of Hitler and Eva Braun in a shell crater, doused them with gasoline and set them on fire. Since the corpses did not burn to the ground, they were then covered in a funnel with earth.

On the night of April 30 to May 1, 1945, I first learned that Hitler had lived with Eva Braun for 15 years. On April 28, Hitler married Eva Braun in the Imperial Chancellery in Volkssturm uniform. With this marriage, Hitler wanted to legalize his fifteen-year cohabitation before his death.

I did not see Hitler's will, and I did not manage to find out what he wrote in it. At 1 pm on May 1, General Krebs returned to the Imperial Chancellery.

The Russians, as expected, rejected the offer of a truce, and demanded the unconditional surrender of Berlin.

My point of view again ran into the stubbornness of Goebbels, supported by both his devotees and Krebs. The surrender was rejected. I received permission to carry out the breakthrough, which I had previously scheduled for the evening of April 30th. I was released from the obligation to keep silent about Hitler's death.

Meanwhile, as expected, [the situation] became so complicated that it was now impossible to think of a breakthrough. On the night of May 1-2, I capitulated, along with units with which I still had contact, and surrendered to the Russian troops.

While in captivity, I heard that Hitler's corpse was not found. This circumstance gave rise to a doubt in my mind whether Hitler's death was imaginary.

The events in the days from April 30 to the evening of May 1 shocked me greatly, and I took the news of Hitler's death as an indisputable truth. At that time, it never occurred to me at all that Hitler's entourage could take advantage of my gullibility and deceive me. I believed that Hitler was dead and therefore it was no coincidence that I decided on the evening of April 30 to tell Goebbels: “Will history not reproach us in the future that we are exactly fulfilling the will of a suicide (i.e., a categorical refusal to surrender). Hitler left us in this terrible situation and therefore we have the right to act at our own discretion!

Whether Hitler died, I hesitate to say, having only what I personally saw and heard. Going over in my memory all the conversations of Hitler and the moments connected with his life in the last days, I ask the question, what can say that Hitler is still alive, and I answer:

1. Hitler's animal fear of death and undisguised worries about his "I".

2. Departure of adjutants on April 28 from Berlin. They were said to have been ordered to take important documents out of Berlin. It's clear. But they may also have had a special mission to prepare the site for Hitler's impending escape.

In this case, it is interesting, of course, to know by what route and in whose escort both adjutants left the imperial office.

3. Business behavior, without a shadow of sorrow, of the closest employees of Hitler - Krebs, Bormann and Goebbels, when they informed me that Hitler had died.

4. The obligation to keep Hitler's death secret, which was demanded of me. This, of course, could have been done for military reasons, so as not to cause unrest in the ranks of the defenders of Berlin. But it is quite possible that those who helped Hitler escape were interested in buying time.

5. A large number of people constantly lived in the numerous premises of Hitler's hideout. It is very difficult to imagine that the details of the suicide, the removal of the corpses from the shelter, their burning in the garden could be kept secret.

After my capture, I spoke with the SS Gruppenführer, the head of Hitler's bodyguard, and with the adjutant of the SS troops, Sturmbannführer Günsche. Both stated that they knew nothing about the details of Hitler's death. I can't let this happen. Is not an oath binding all those initiated into this work?

Despite the arguments I have given above, which caused me to doubt the veracity of the report about the death of Hitler, I still think that Hitler really died. The reasons for this conclusion are as follows:

1. The physical and mental state of Hitler. Hitler was a mental and physical ruin. I cannot imagine that a person in such a state would be able to move around the ruined Berlin. True, it can be objected that Hitler could have been helped and taken away.

There were still opportunities to leave on the night of April 29-30 through the Zoological Garden station to the west and through the Friedrichstrasse station to the north of the city. On the rails of the subway it was possible to partially pass this way relatively safely. But at the same time, one should not [should] forget that Hitler's flight, despite the great conspiracy in the presence of disorder in Germany, could not remain a secret to the public for a long time.

2. Hitler's departure by plane from Berlin is completely out of the question. The alternate airfield at Tiergarten has not been in operation since the afternoon of 29 April. No cars even passed there, as everything was covered with craters from bombs and grenades. Theoretically, it would be possible to take off on a gyroplane. I have never heard of such a type of aircraft at the disposal of the Imperial Chancellery. In addition, the landing or takeoff of this type of aircraft would not remain a secret.

3. If Hitler thought about the revival of Germany, then his thoughts on the new structure of Germany would not remain a secret from his closest employees. If this is assumed, then it is difficult to understand why the people most devoted to him - Goebbels, Krebs, Burgdorf and others, after Hitler's escape, committed suicide themselves. After the armistice negotiations failed, these people had to try to get out of Berlin.

Testimony was taken by: assistant to the head of the 1st department of the 2nd department of the Smersh Main Directorate of Inspection, Major Siomonchuk

That's right: translator of the trace department of the 2nd Main Directorate of the USSR Ministry of State Security Lieutenant Makeev

CA FSB RF. H-21146. L. 75–126. Script. Per. with him. lang.

Helmut Weidling

Weidling Helmut (1891, Halberstadt, Saxony - 11/17/1955, Vladimir, USSR) military figure, general of artillery. Participated in hostilities on the Soviet-German front, commanded a division, a corps. In 1945 he was commander of the 47th Tank Corps. In April 1945, he arbitrarily redeployed the corps headquarters, for which he was immediately sentenced to death. Was personally called A. Hitler and convinced him of the expediency of his actions, after which he was appointed commander of the defense of Berlin on 04/24/1945. Unsuccessfully tried to organize the defense of the already doomed city. Fights were fought for every house. On April 29, Soviet troops launched an assault on the Reichstag, which was completely cleared of the Germans only by May 2. 02.05. 1945 signed the surrender of German troops in the capital and surrendered, along with the remnants of the garrison, to Soviet troops. He was held in the Butyrka and Lefortovo prisons (Moscow), and then in the Vladimir prison. On February 27, 1952, by a military tribunal of the troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Moscow District, he was sentenced to 25 years in prison camps. According to the official version, he died in prison from heart failure.

Used materials of the book: Who was who in the Third Reich. Biographical encyclopedic dictionary. M., 2003.

The commander of the defense of Berlin, G. Weidling, the officers of his headquarters surrender to the Soviet troops. Berlin. May 2, 1945

Weidling, Helmut (Helmuth Weidling; 1891-1955) - German military leader; general of artillery (1943). A native of Halberstadt (Saxony). In the autumn of 1911, as a fanen-junker, he entered the 1st Air Defense Battalion, and in August 1912 he was promoted to lieutenant. Participant World War I. He was awarded the Iron Cross 1st and 2nd class. After the demobilization of the army, he was left in Reichswehr. In 1919-1941. served in various positions in the artillery troops. In the Polish campaign, the commander of the 56th artillery regiment of the 20th motorized division. From April 1940 he was chief of the artillery headquarters No. 128 of the reserve of the High Command. Since January 1941, Artillery Headquarters No. 128 was attached to the 40th Tank Corps, which took part in campaigns in the West, the Balkans and the Soviet-German front. After the defeat of the German troops near Moscow, from December 1941 he was appointed commander of the 86th Infantry Division. From October 1943 to June 1944 he was the commander of the 41st tank corps, then he was in the reserve. For several days in June 1944, he served as commander of the 9th Army. In August 1944, he again took command of the 41st Tank Corps, which, as part of the 4th Army, took part in heavy fighting in East Prussia. In early April 1945, he led the 56th Panzer Corps, which was transferred to the Brandenburg region; in mid-April 1945, the corps was sent to Berlin. After the removal from office of Lieutenant General G. Reiman on April 22, A. Hitler was appointed military commandant of Berlin. He surrendered to Soviet captivity on May 2, 1945. He died on November 17, 1955 in Prison No. 2 of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Vladimir Region.

Wehrmacht on the Soviet-German front. Investigative and judicial materials from archival criminal cases of German prisoners of war 1944-1952. (Compiled by V.S. Khristoforov, V.G. Makarov). M., 2011. (Nominal commentary). S. 708.

Read further:

Handwritten testimony of General of Artillery G. Weidling. January 10, 1946

November 23, 1951

Protocol of the interrogation of General of Artillery G. Weidling. November 28, 1951

The indictment in the investigative case No. 5125 against General of Artillery G. Weidling. December 11, 1951

Helmut Weidling(German Helmuth Weidling, November 2, 1891( 18911102 ) - November 17, 1955) - General of Artillery of the German Army. Defense commander and last commandant of Berlin.

Biography

Member of the First World War, in 1915 he received the rank of chief lieutenant. He served in the divisions of balloons, was the commander of the Zeppelin. After the First World War, he was the commander of an artillery battery, then a division. In 1922 he received the rank of captain, in 1933 - major, in October 1935 - lieutenant colonel, in March 1938 - colonel. In the war against Poland in 1939 he commanded an artillery regiment, in the war against France in 1940 he was the chief of artillery of the 9th Army Corps, then the 4th Army Corps. Participated in the war in the Balkans. On the eastern front, until the end of December 1941, he was the chief of artillery of the 40th tank corps. From the end of December 1941 until October 1943 he was commander of the 86th Infantry Division. From October 20, 1943 he was the commander of the 41st Tank Corps, he commanded this corps until it was completely defeated - until the beginning of April 1945.

Weidling participated in military operations on the Soviet-German front, from April 10, 1945 he became commander of the 56th tank corps. On April 23, Hitler, on the basis of a false denunciation, ordered the execution of the commander of the 56th Panzer Corps, General of Artillery G. Weidling. Upon learning of this, Weidling arrived at the headquarters and obtained an audience with Hitler, after which the order to execute the general was canceled, and he himself was appointed commander of the defense of Berlin. He tried to organize the defense of the city, fighting for each house. After Hitler's suicide on April 30, on May 2, 1945, he signed the surrender of German troops and surrendered along with the remnants of the garrison.

Literature

• Zalessky K.A. Who was who in the Third Reich. - M .: AST, 2002. - 944 p. - 5000 copies. - ISBN 5-271-05091-2

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This abstract is based on an article from the Russian Wikipedia. Synchronization completed on 07/10/11 22:02:29
Similar abstracts: Helmut Pesch, Pesch Helmuth, Jan Helmuth, Helmut Gröttrup, Rosenbaum Helmuth, Helmut Poppendieck, Rilling Helmuth.

Categories: Persons in alphabetical order , Born on November 2 , Born in 1891 , Knights of the Iron Cross 1st class , Knights of the Iron Cross 2nd class , War criminals ,

Moscow

Record of the interrogation of the former military commandant of the mountains. Berlin General of Artillery of the German Army Weidling Helmut

Weidling Helmut, born in 1891, a native of the mountains. Halbertstadt (Saxony), German, non-partisan, from the family of a doctor of medicine, with a secondary education, in the German army since 1911, from April 24 to May 1, 1945 was the military commandant of the mountains. Berlin.

Question: Tell us about your service in the German army?

Answer: I entered the German army voluntarily after graduating from high school in 1911. In 1912 I graduated from a one-year military school, and in the same year I received the rank of lieutenant. In the First World War, I participated as an aeronaut-observer, and then as an airship commander. After the First World War, I served in various artillery units, and by the beginning of the German-Soviet war I had the rank of colonel and was the head of artillery headquarters No. 128 under the commander of the 40th tank corps. The headquarters subordinate to me was engaged in the development of tactical questions on the use of corps or artillery attached to the corps.

Question: Did you take part in the battles against the Red Army?

Answer: Yes, since the beginning of the German-Soviet war, I have been on the Eastern Front all the time.

Question: What formations, and on what sectors of the front, did you command?

Answer: Until December 1941, I was chief of artillery headquarters No. 128 at the 40th tank corps and participated in the offensive of the central group of German troops. From the end of 1941, as commander of the 86th Infantry Division, I was at the forefront in the Rzhev area for more than a year, and then until the spring of 1943, in the area between the towns of Olenin and the town of Bely. In the summer of 1943, my division took part in the battles in the area of ​​the "Kursk Bulge", and after the failure of the offensive undertaken by us, retreated with battles to the Dnieper. In October 1943, I was appointed commander of the 41st Tank Corps and until June 1944 I defended the junctions of the 2nd and 9th armies between the Pripyat and Berezina rivers. In June 1944, on the 3rd day of the Russian offensive in Belarus, my corps was transferred to the mountains. Bobruisk, where I handed him over to Lieutenant General Hoffmeister, and by order of Field Marshal Model Model I took command of the "Weidling Barrage Force", which had the task of covering the retreat of the 9th German Army. From August 1944, I commanded the newly organized 41st Tank Corps in East Prussia, and after it was defeated by the Red Army at the end of March 1945, I was appointed commander of the 56th Tank Corps, stationed west of the city of Kustrin. Under pressure from the Red Army, I retreated to Berlin with this corps, and participated in its defense. On April 24, 1945, Hitler appointed me military commander of the mountains. Berlin and entrusted me with the task of organizing and commanding its defense.

Question: Why did Hitler appoint you to this position?

Answer: The reason for my appointment to the post of commandant of Berlin was the fact that, due to a quarrel with Goebbels, the commandant of Berlin, Lieutenant General Reimann, was removed, and since by that time there were no experienced, combat commanders left in Berlin, the chief of staff of the land army, General Krebs, suggested to Hitler my candidacy. In any case, my appointment was accidental, since Hitler did not know me. I met Hitler later, when, as commander of the defense of Berlin, I began to visit him for reports.

Question: How often did you attend Hitler's lectures?

Answer: From April 24 to April 29, I visited Hitler almost daily at meetings, where I reported on the military situation and participated in the discussion of measures for the defense of the city.

Question: What do you know about the fate of Hitler?

Answer: On April 30, at 6-7 p.m., I was summoned to Hitler’s bunker, where I found Goebbels, Krebs, and the head of the Imperial Chancellery, Bormann, who officially informed me that at 3 p.m. on April 30, 1945, Hitler and his wife Eva Braun had committed suicide. I was also informed that their corpses were burned and the remains were buried in the garden of the Imperial Chancellery, near the emergency exit from Hitler's bunker.

Question: In addition to this message from these people, did you personally have the opportunity to verify that Hitler really died?

Answer: I personally did not witness his death, and I did not see Hitler's corpse. However, I did not doubt the plausibility of the message of Goebbels, Krebs and Bormann, since lately Hitler was a human ruin and looked like a man who had lost all will to live. In addition, I saw Hitler for the last time on April 29, when it was no longer possible to leave Berlin. For a more detailed presentation of the last days of Hitler's life, i.e. about his behavior, statements that could help the investigation in this matter, I ask you to give me the opportunity to give my own testimony.

Question: What orders do you know from the German High Command regarding the treatment of the Russian population, and in particular Russian prisoners of war?

Answer: I know that at the beginning of the war with the Soviet Union, Hitler ordered to shoot immediately after the capture of all political officers and commissars of the Red Army. The same measures were prescribed to the troops against the partisans in another order from Hitler in 1942. In the same order, Hitler forbade the use of the word "partisan", ordering to replace it with the word "bandit".

Question: How did you carry out these orders of Hitler?

Answer: Until the end of 1941, I was the head of the 128th artillery headquarters at the 40th tank corps and, therefore, could not have anything to do with the prisoners. When the 86th Infantry Division was transferred to me at the end of 1941, I upheld the order of my predecessor, Lieutenant General Wittgoft, which was available in the unit, according to which the units of the division were obliged to send Soviet prisoners of war captured by us, without exception, to assembly points prisoners of war in the rear. Thus, I followed the example of General Witthoft in order to relieve myself of responsibility for the execution of prisoners of war. As for Hitler's order to shoot the partisans, I did not have to put it into practice, since I was always with my troops in the forward positions, where, as you know, the partisan detachments did not operate.

Question: How did you implement Hitler's order to destroy Soviet settlements?

Answer: From the time of the defeat of the German troops near Moscow, we were constantly reminded that during the retreat we must leave behind a "desert zone", i.e. destroy all settlements behind them. How these instructions were put into practice is the most striking example of the retreat of the 9th Army from the Rzhev region in March 1943. This retreat was prepared in advance to the smallest detail, and retreat zones were distributed between the divisions, where they were obliged to destroy everything. Thus, the headquarters of the 9th Army ordered me, as a division commander, to burn all settlements in the designated zone during the retreat, blow up stone buildings and destroy in general all objects that could be useful to the enemy. At the same time, a retreat zone was indicated to me about 20 kilometers wide and 160-200 kilometers deep. I, in turn, distributed this zone between the regiments, giving them one sapper company each to help them destroy settlements in the intended retreat zone. The same tasks were given to about 15 rearguard divisions of the 9th Army, which, when retreating from the Rzhev region, destroyed all settlements in a section of 300 km along the front and 200 km in depth. Later, this order remained in force, but in most cases, where I had to retreat, such methodical destruction could not be carried out due to the unexpected and rapid advance of the Red Army. In addition to this reason, we often did not have enough explosives to carry out such an order.

Question: How did you deal with the population of the destroyed settlements?

Answer: The population that was to be destroyed by Soviet settlements was evacuated in advance by the rear service of the 9th Army.

Question: What awards did you receive while on the German-Soviet front?

Answer: For participation in the battles on the Eastern Front, I was awarded the German Cross in Gold. Knight's cross with oak leaves and swords to them. In total I have 16 awards.

Question: Under what circumstances were you captured by the Red Army?

Answer: On the evening of April 30, 1945, General Krebs went to the Russian command with a proposal for a truce. When Krebs returned on May 1 of the same year and announced that the Russians had refused the truce, but demanded the unconditional surrender of the German troops in Berlin, Goebbels, Krebs and Bormann instructed me to carry out a breakthrough on the night of May 1 to 2 and withdraw the Berlin garrison from the encirclement . During this operation, I became convinced that this task was impossible, and on the same night I capitulated with the troops subordinate to me and surrendered to the Russians.

WEIDLING

Interrogated: assistant [assistant] head of the 1st division] of the 2nd division of the Smersh Main Directorate SIOMONCHUK

CA FSB of Russia. D. H-21146. In 2 vols. T.1. L.40-47. Certified copy. Manuscript.

Notes:

Prisoners of war in the USSR. 1939-1956: Documents and materials. M., 2000; Vsevolodov V A. Camp UPVI NKVD No. 27 (a brief history), or "The shelf life is permanent!". M., 2003; Kuzminykh A.L. Foreign prisoners of war of the Second World War in the European North of the USSR (1939-1949). Vologda, 2004; Surzhikova Ya.V. Foreign prisoners of war of the Second World War in the Middle Urals (1942-1956). Yekaterinburg, 2006.

Army Group "Vistula" (German: Heeresgruppe Weichsel) is an operational-strategic association of ground forces. Formed on January 29, 1945 by renaming the command of the Army Group "Upper Rhine". Operated on the Soviet-German front. On April 1, 1945, it was reinforced with personnel from the disbanded command of Army Group F (South-West Command) and subsequently functioned as a military administrative body. The army group included: February 1945: 2nd, 9th and 11th armies; in March 1945: 2nd, 9th, 11th armies and 3rd tank army; in April 1945: 3rd Panzer Army and 9th Army.

On September 8, 1941, the German command issued a special "Decree on the treatment of Soviet prisoners of war in all prisoner of war camps." Published: State Security Organs of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War. Collection of documents. Volume II. In 2 books. Book. 2. Start. September 1 - December 31, 1941. M., 2000. S. 507-508; Criminal aims are criminal means. Documents on the occupation policy of Nazi Germany on the territory of the USSR. (1941-1944). M., 1968. S. 155-204.

We are talking about the instructions of the OKW "On the treatment of political commissars with additions by the commander-in-chief of the Wehrmacht ground forces" dated June 6 and 8, 1941. Published: State Security Organs of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War. Collection of documents. Volume I. In 2 books. Book. 2. January 1 - June 21, 1941. M., 1995. S. 356-357. About the circumstances of the birth of the so-called. For the order on commissars, see: Keitel V. Memoirs of a Field Marshal. pp. 160-163.

We are talking about Lieutenant General (later General of the Infantry) Joachim Witthöft.

Perhaps we are talking about the order of the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Command (OKW) V. Keitel "Communist insurrectionary movement in the occupied territories" of September 16, 1941. Published: Dashichev V.I. Bankruptcy strategy of German fascism. T. 2. S. 431-432.

We are talking about the military order of the German cross. It was established on September 28, 1941. According to its award status, it occupied an intermediate position between the Iron Cross of the 1st class and the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross. He had two degrees: in gold - for courage shown in the face of the enemy on the battlefield, and in silver - for success in command without personal participation in hostilities.

General R. Stagel became the 79th recipient of this award (July 18, 1944, major general, commander of the fortified area "Vilna").