One of the most tragic events that took place in the history of Russia is Bloody Sunday. Briefly speaking, on January 9, 1905, a demonstration was executed, in which about 140 thousand representatives of the working class took part. This happened in St. Petersburg during the time of which people began to call it Bloody. Many historians believe what exactly served as the decisive impetus for the start of the 1905 revolution.

Brief background

At the end of 1904, political ferment began in the country, this happened after the defeat that the state suffered in the notorious Russian-Japanese war. What events led to the mass execution of workers - a tragedy that went down in history as Bloody Sunday? Briefly speaking, it all started with the organization of the “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers.”

It is interesting that the creation of this organization was actively promoted. This was due to the fact that the authorities were concerned about the growing number of dissatisfied people in the working environment. The main goal of the “Assembly” was initially to protect representatives of the working class from the influence of revolutionary propaganda, organize mutual assistance, and educate. However, the “Assembly” was not properly controlled by the authorities, as a result of which there was a sharp change in the direction of the organization. This was largely due to the personality of the person who led it.

Georgy Gapon

What does Georgy Gapon have to do with the tragic day that is remembered as Bloody Sunday? Briefly speaking, it was this clergyman who became the inspirer and organizer of the demonstration, the outcome of which was so sad. Gapon took the post of head of the “Assembly” at the end of 1903, and it soon found itself in his unlimited power. The ambitious clergyman dreamed of having his name go down in history and proclaiming himself a true leader of the working class.

The leader of the “Assembly” founded a secret committee, whose members read forbidden literature, studied the history of revolutionary movements, and developed plans to fight for the interests of the working class. The Karelin spouses, who enjoyed great authority among the workers, became Gapon's associates.

"Program of Five", including specific political and economic requirements members of the secret committee, was developed in March 1904. It was she who served as the source from which the demands that the demonstrators planned to present to the Tsar on Bloody Sunday 1905 were taken. In short, they failed to achieve their goal. On that day, the petition never fell into the hands of Nicholas II.

Incident at the Putilov plant

What event made workers decide to demonstrate massively on the day known as Bloody Sunday? You can briefly talk about it like this: the impetus was the dismissal of several people who worked at the Putilov plant. All of them were participants in the “Meeting”. Rumors spread that people were fired precisely because of their affiliation with the organization.

The unrest did not spread to other enterprises operating at that time in St. Petersburg. Mass strikes began and leaflets with economic and political demands on the government began to be distributed. Inspired, Gapon decided to submit a petition personally to the autocrat Nicholas II. When the text of the appeal to the Tsar was read to the participants of the “Meeting”, the number of which already exceeded 20 thousand, people expressed a desire to participate in the meeting.

The date for the procession was also determined, which went down in history as Bloody Sunday - January 9, 1905. The main events are summarized below.

Bloodshed was not planned

The authorities became aware in advance of the impending demonstration, in which about 140 thousand people were supposed to take part. Emperor Nicholas left with his family for Tsarskoe Selo on January 6. The Minister of the Interior called an emergency meeting the day before the event, which is remembered as Bloody Sunday 1905. In short, during the meeting it was decided not to allow the rally participants to go not only to Palace Square, but also to the city center.

It is also worth mentioning that bloodshed was not initially planned. Authorities had no doubt that the crowd would be forced to disperse by the sight of armed soldiers, but these expectations were not justified.

Massacres

The procession that moved to the Winter Palace consisted of men, women and children who did not have weapons with them. Many participants in the procession held portraits of Nicholas II and banners in their hands. At the Neva Gate, the demonstration was attacked by cavalry, then shooting began, five shots were fired.

The next shots rang out at the Trinity Bridge from the St. Petersburg and Vyborg sides. Several volleys were fired at the Winter Palace when the demonstrators reached the Alexander Garden. The scene of the events soon became littered with the bodies of the wounded and dead. Local clashes continued until late in the evening; only by 11 p.m. did authorities manage to disperse the demonstrators.

Consequences

The report that was presented to Nicholas II significantly downplayed the number of people injured on January 9. Bloody Sunday summary which is recounted in this article, killed 130 people and injured another 299, according to this report. In reality, the number of killed and wounded exceeded four thousand people; the exact figure remained a mystery.

Georgy Gapon managed to hide abroad, but in March 1906 the clergyman was killed by the Socialist Revolutionaries. Mayor Fullon, who was directly related to the events of Bloody Sunday, was dismissed on January 10, 1905. The Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky also lost his post. The meeting of the emperor with the working delegation took place during which Nicholas II expressed regret that so many people had died. However, he still stated that the demonstrators had committed a crime and condemned the mass march.

Conclusion

After Gapon's disappearance, the mass strike ended and the unrest subsided. However, this turned out to be only the calm before the storm; soon new political upheavals and casualties awaited the state.

In 1905 - 1907, events took place in Russia that were later called the first Russian revolution. The beginning of these events is considered to be January 1905, when workers of one of the St. Petersburg factories entered the political struggle.

Back in 1904, the young priest of the St. Petersburg transit prison, Georgy Gapon, with the assistance of the police and city authorities, created a workers' organization in the city, the "Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg." In the first months, workers simply organized common evenings, often with tea and dancing, and opened a mutual aid fund.

By the end of 1904, about 9 thousand people were already members of the “Assembly”. In December 1904, one of the foremen of the Putilov plant fired four workers who were members of the organization. The “assembly” immediately came out in support of the comrades, sent a delegation to the director of the plant, and, despite his attempts to smooth out the conflict, the workers decided to stop work in protest. On January 2, 1905, the huge Putilov plant stopped. The strikers have already put forward increased demands: to establish an 8-hour working day, to increase salaries. Other metropolitan factories gradually joined the strike, and after a few days 150 thousand workers were already on strike in St. Petersburg.

G. Gapon spoke at meetings, calling for a peaceful march to the tsar, who alone could stand up for the workers. He even helped prepare an appeal to Nicholas II, which contained the following lines: “We have become impoverished, we are oppressed, .. we are not recognized as people, we are treated like slaves... We have no more strength, Sovereign... That terrible moment has come for us, when death is better than the continuation of unbearable torment. Look without anger ... at our requests, they are directed not towards evil, but towards good, both for us and for You, Sovereign!” The appeal listed the requests of the workers; for the first time, it included demands for political freedoms and the organization of a Constituent Assembly - it was practically a revolutionary program. A peaceful march to the Winter Palace was scheduled for January 9. Gapon insisted that the tsar should go out to the workers and accept their appeal.

On January 9, about 140 thousand workers took to the streets of St. Petersburg. Columns led by G. Gapon headed towards the Winter Palace. The workers came with their families, children, festively dressed, they carried portraits of the Tsar, icons, crosses, and sang prayers. Throughout the city, the procession met armed soldiers, but no one wanted to believe that they could shoot. Nicholas II was in Tsarskoye Selo that day, but the workers believed that he would come to listen to their requests. When one of the columns approached the Winter Palace, shots were suddenly heard. The first dead and wounded fell. The people holding icons and portraits of the king firmly believed that the soldiers would not dare to shoot at them, but a new volley rang out, and those who were carrying these shrines began to fall to the ground. The crowd mixed up, people started running, there were screams, crying, and more shots. G. Gapon himself was no less shocked than the workers.

Shooting of workers Winter Palace

January 9 was called "Bloody Sunday." On the streets of the capital that day, from 130 to 200 workers died, the number of wounded reached 800 people. The police ordered that the corpses of the dead not be given to relatives; they were buried secretly at night.

The events of "Bloody Sunday" shocked all of Russia. Portraits of the king, previously revered, were torn and trampled on. Shocked by the execution of the workers, G. Gapon exclaimed: “There is no more God, there is no more tsar!” In his new appeal to the people, he wrote: “Brothers, comrade workers! Innocent blood was still shed... The bullets of the tsar’s soldiers... shot through the tsar’s portrait and killed our faith in the tsar. So let us take revenge, brothers, on the tsar cursed by the people,... on the ministers, to all the robbers of the unfortunate Russian land. Death to them all!

Maxim Gorky, no less shocked than others by what happened, later wrote the essay “January 9,” in which he spoke about the events of this terrible day: “It seemed that most of all, cold, soul-dead amazement poured into people’s chests. After all, a few insignificant minutes before this they walked, clearly seeing the goal of the path in front of them, a fabulous image stood majestically in front of them... Two volleys, blood, corpses, groans and - everyone stood in front of the gray emptiness, powerless, with torn hearts.”

The tragic events of January 9 in St. Petersburg became the day of the beginning of the first Russian revolution, which swept all of Russia.

Text prepared by Galina Dregulas

For those who want to know more:
1. Kavtorin Vl. The first step towards disaster. January 9, 1905. St. Petersburg, 1992

January 9 (new style January 22) 1905 - important historical event V modern history Russia. On this day, with the tacit consent of Emperor Nicholas II, a 150,000-strong procession of workers who were going to present the Tsar with a petition signed by tens of thousands of St. Petersburg residents asking for reforms was shot.

The reason for organizing the procession to the Winter Palace was the dismissal of four workers of the largest Putilov plant in St. Petersburg (now the Kirov plant). On January 3, a strike of 13 thousand factory workers began, demanding the return of those fired, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, and the abolition of overtime work.

The strikers created an elected commission from workers to jointly with the administration examine the workers' grievances. Demands were developed: to introduce an 8-hour working day, to abolish compulsory overtime, to establish a minimum wage, not to punish strike participants, etc. On January 5, the Central Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDLP) issued a leaflet calling on the Putilovites to extend the strike, and workers of other factories should join it.

The Putilovites were supported by the Obukhovsky, Nevsky shipbuilding, cartridge and other factories, and by January 7 the strike became general (according to incomplete official data, over 106 thousand people took part in it).

Nicholas II transferred power in the capital to the military command, which decided to crush the labor movement until it resulted in revolution. The main role in suppressing the unrest was assigned to the guard; it was reinforced by other military units of the St. Petersburg District. 20 infantry battalions and over 20 cavalry squadrons were concentrated at predetermined points.

On the evening of January 8, a group of writers and scientists, with the participation of Maxim Gorky, appealed to the ministers with a demand to prevent the execution of workers, but they did not want to listen to her.

A peaceful march to the Winter Palace was scheduled for January 9. The procession was prepared by the legal organization "Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg" led by priest Georgy Gapon. Gapon spoke at meetings, calling for a peaceful march to the tsar, who alone could stand up for the workers. Gapon insisted that the tsar should go out to the workers and accept their appeal.

On the eve of the procession, the Bolsheviks issued a proclamation “To all St. Petersburg workers,” in which they explained the futility and danger of the procession planned by Gapon.

On January 9, about 150 thousand workers took to the streets of St. Petersburg. The columns led by Gapon headed towards the Winter Palace.

The workers came with their families, carried portraits of the Tsar, icons, crosses, and sang prayers. Throughout the city, the procession met armed soldiers, but no one wanted to believe that they could shoot. Emperor Nicholas II was in Tsarskoe Selo that day. When one of the columns approached the Winter Palace, shots were suddenly heard. The units stationed at the Winter Palace fired three volleys at the participants in the procession (in the Alexander Garden, at the Palace Bridge and at the General Staff Building). The cavalry and mounted gendarmes chopped down the workers with sabers and finished off the wounded.

According to official data, 96 people were killed and 330 wounded, according to unofficial data - more than a thousand killed and two thousand wounded.

According to journalists from St. Petersburg newspapers, the number of killed and wounded was about 4.9 thousand people.

The police buried those killed secretly at night in Preobrazhenskoye, Mitrofanyevskoye, Uspenskoye and Smolenskoye cemeteries.

The Bolsheviks of Vasilievsky Island distributed a leaflet in which they called on workers to seize weapons and begin an armed struggle against the autocracy. Workers seized weapons stores and warehouses and disarmed the police. The first barricades were erected on Vasilyevsky Island.

Somehow it was quickly forgotten that the impetus that became the main cause of the first Russian revolution of 1905 was the shooting on January 9, 1905 in St. Petersburg by imperial troops of a peaceful demonstration of workers led by , which was later called Bloody Sunday. In this action, by order of the “democratic” authorities, 96 unarmed demonstrators were shot and 333 were wounded, of whom another 34 then died. The figures are taken from the report of the Director of the Police Department A. A. Lopukhin to the Minister of Internal Affairs A. G. Bulygin on the events of that day.

When the shooting of a peaceful demonstration of workers took place, I was in exile, the Social Democrats had no influence at all on either the course or the result of what happened. Subsequently, communist history declared Georgy Gapon a provocateur and a villain, although the memoirs of contemporaries and the documents of Priest Gapon himself indicate that there was no treacherous or provocative intent in his actions. Apparently, life was not so sweet and rich in Rus', even if priests began to lead revolutionary circles and movements.

Moreover, Father George himself, moved at the beginning good feelings, later on, he became proud and imagined himself to be some kind of messiah, dreaming of becoming a peasant king.

The conflict, as often happens, began with a banality. In December 1904, 4 workers, members of Gaponov’s “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers,” were fired from the Putilov plant. At the same time, the foreman told those fired: “Go to your “Assembly”, it will support and feed you.” The workers followed the offensive “advice” of the master and turned to Gapon. An investigation carried out on behalf of Father Georgy showed that three of the four were fired unfairly and illegally, and the master himself was biased towards members of Gapon’s organization.

Gapon quite rightly saw in the master’s action a challenge posed to the Assembly by the plant administration. And if the organization does not protect its members, it will thereby lose credibility among members of the assembly and other workers.

On January 3, a strike began at the Putilov plant, which gradually spread to other enterprises in St. Petersburg. Participants in the strike were:

• From the pipe factory of the Military Department on Vasilyevsky Island - 6 thousand workers;
• From the Nevsky Mechanical and Shipbuilding Plants - also 6 thousand workers;
• From the Franco-Russian plant, the Nevskaya thread factory, and the Nevskaya paper spinning manufactory, 2 thousand workers each left their jobs;

In total, more than 120 enterprises with a total workforce of about 88 thousand people took part in the strike. Mass strikes, for their part, also served as the reason for such a disloyal attitude towards the workers’ march.

On January 5, Gapon made a proposal to turn to the Tsar for help. In the following days, he drafted the text of the appeal, which included economic and several political demands, the main one being the involvement of people's representatives in the constituent assembly. A religious procession to the Tsar was scheduled for Sunday, January 9.

The Bolsheviks tried to take advantage of the current situation and involve the workers in the revolutionary movement. Students and agitators came to the departments of Gapon’s Assembly, scattered leaflets, tried to give speeches, but the working masses followed Gapon and did not want to listen to the Social Democrats. According to one of the Bolsheviks, D.D. Gimmera Gapon checkmate the Social Democrats.

Communist history has been silent for many years about one incidental event, but which influenced the subsequent outcome Sunday. Perhaps they considered it insignificant or, most likely, the hushing up of this fact made it possible to expose the tsarist government as bloodthirsty monsters. On January 6th the Epiphany water blessing took place on the Neva. Nicholas II himself took part in the event. One of the artillery pieces fired towards the royal tent. This gun, intended for training shooting ranges, turned out to be a loaded live shell that exploded almost next to the tent. It produced a number of other damages. 4 windows were broken in the palace and a policeman was wounded, according to coincidence- namesake of the emperor.

Then, during the investigation, it turned out that this shot was accidental, fired due to someone’s negligence and oversight. However, he seriously frightened the tsar, and he hastily left for Tsarskoye Selo. Everyone was convinced that a terrorist attack had been attempted.

Father George assumed the possibility of clashes between demonstrators and the police, and, wanting to avoid them, wrote 2 letters: to the Tsar and to the Minister of Internal Affairs P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky.

In a letter to His Imperial Majesty, Father George wrote:

The priest called on Nicholas 2 to come out to the people “with a courageous heart,” and announced that the workers would guarantee their safety “at the cost of their own lives.”

In his book, Gapon recalled how difficult it was for him to convince the workers' leaders to give the emperor this guarantee: the workers believed that if something happened to the king, they would be obliged to give up their lives. The letter was delivered to the Winter Palace, but it is not known whether it was handed over to the Tsar. In a letter to Svyatopolk-Mirsky, composed in approximately the same words, the priest asked the minister to immediately inform the tsar about the upcoming event and familiarize him with the workers’ petition. It is known that the minister received the letter and on the evening of January 8 took it along with the petition to Tsarskoe Selo. However, no response was received from the king and his minister.

Addressing the workers, Gapon said: “Let’s go, brothers, let’s see if the Russian Tsar really loves his people, as they say. If he gives him all freedom, it means he loves, and if not, then it’s a lie, and then we can do with him as our conscience dictates...”

On the morning of January 9, workers in festive clothes gathered on the outskirts to move in columns to the palace square. The people were peaceful and came out with icons, portraits of the Tsar and banners. There were women in the columns. 140 thousand people took part in the procession.

Not only the workers were preparing for the religious procession, but also the tsarist government. Troops and police units were deployed to St. Petersburg. The city was divided into 8 parts. 40 thousand military and police were involved in suppressing popular unrest. Bloody Sunday has begun.

Results of the day

On this difficult day, gun salvos thundered on the Shlisselburgsky tract, at the Narva Gate, on the 4th line and Maly Prospekt of Vasilyevsky Island, next to the Trinity Bridge and in other parts of the city. According to military and police reports, shooting was used where workers refused to disperse. The military first fired a warning salvo into the air, and when the crowd approached closer than a specified distance, they opened fire to kill. On this day, 2 policemen died, not a single one from the military. Gapon was taken from the square by the Socialist Revolutionary Ruttenberg (the one who would later be held responsible for Gapon’s death) to the apartment of Maxim Gorky.

The number of killed and wounded varies in different reports and documents.

Not all relatives found the bodies of their loved ones in hospitals, which gave rise to rumors that the police were underreporting the victims who were buried secretly in mass graves.

It can be assumed that if Nicholas II had been in the palace and had come out to the people, or had sent (at worst) a confidant, if he had listened to the delegates from the people, then there might not have been any revolution at all. But the tsar and his ministers chose to stay away from the people, deploying heavily armed gendarmes and soldiers against them. Thus, Nicholas 2 turned the people against himself and provided carte blanche for the Bolsheviks. The events of Bloody Sunday are considered to be the beginning of the revolution.

Here is an entry from the emperor's diary:

Gapon had a hard time surviving the execution of the workers. According to the recollections of one of the eyewitnesses, he sat for a long time, looking at one point, nervously clenching his fist and repeating “I swear... I swear...”. Having recovered a little from the shock, he took the paper and wrote a message to the workers.

It’s somehow hard to believe that if the priest were in the same basement with Nicholas 2, and if he had a weapon in his hands, he would begin to read sermons about Christian love and forgiveness, after everything that happened on that fateful day. He would have picked up this weapon and shot the king.

On this day, Gorky also addressed the people and intelligentsia. The end result of this Bloody Sunday was the beginning of the first Russian revolution.

The strike movement was gaining momentum, not only factories and factories were on strike, but also the army and navy. The Bolsheviks could not stay away, and Lenin returned to Russia illegally in November 1905, using a false passport.

After what happened on Bloody Sunday on January 9, Svyatopolk-Mirsky was removed from his post and Bulygin was appointed to the post of Minister of Internal Affairs. The position of Governor General of St. Petersburg appeared, to which the Tsar appointed D.F. Trepov.

On February 29, Nicholas II created a commission that was designed to establish the reasons for the discontent of the St. Petersburg workers. It was declared that political demands were unacceptable. However, the commission’s activities turned out to be unproductive, since the workers put forward demands that were political in nature:

• Openness of commission meetings,
• Release of those arrested;
• Freedom of the press;
• Restoration of 11 closed Gapon groups.

A wave of strikes swept across Russia and affected the national outskirts.

The eternal question: are the people a silent crowd and just a pawn in the great games of power, or a powerful force that decides the history of the state and even humanity as a whole. The chronicles of times count many events that became turning points in history, where the main participants were ordinary people, united in a “crowd” of outraged people. One of the significant events in the history of our state is designated as “Bloody Sunday, January 9, 1905.” It is quite difficult to briefly talk about this turning point in history - many views and opinions of historians still cannot find the point of truth and truth.

Georgy Gapon - a genius or a villain?

The leading role in the events of 1905 was given to the clergyman Georgy Gapon. The personality is very ambiguous. A native of Ukraine, he was distinguished by his extraordinary abilities, curiosity, artistry and unique ability to master words in such a way that he could “ignite hearts” for exploits and achievements.

WITH early years Having become fascinated by Tolstoy’s books, Georgy inspired himself to ideologically follow “goodness and love for one’s neighbor.” His sincere desire to protect those who came into contact with injustice became a powerful incentive for ordinary working citizens to trust their defender.

Gradually, after successful performances before the people, spiritual ideology was replaced by narcissism and the thirst to become a people's leader. Continuing to create Russian meetings factory workers to protect the rights of the working population, and at the same time found connecting threads with representatives of the current government.

All this was to the advantage of both sides of the “barricades”: the authorities were in the know folk events, and ordinary working people had the opportunity to report their problems and demands to higher authorities. Unconditional trust in the defender played a historical role in the tragedy of January 9, 1905.

Causes of the bloody tragedy on Sunday 1905

In the early days of 1905, a wave of indignation on the part of the working class swept across St. Petersburg over the unfair cuts made at factories. Many manufacturing enterprises began to close due to waves of protest from workers.

The final peak of indignation for the already practically beggarly and disadvantaged citizens was the immediate dismissal of many workers at the Putilov plant. People rebelled and went to seek restoration of justice from their defender and warrior for the truth, Gapon.

The savvy leader, dressed in a church cassock, suggested that his charges organize a petition to the king: put their demands and aspirations on paper and unite as a single force to march to the monarch for justice.

The solution to the problem seemed quite humane and effective. Many citizens perceived this day as a significant date in their personal biography: washed, got dressed best outfits, they took their children with them - they are going to the king!

Having previously compiled the text of the petition, Gapon also outlined the conventional signs that he would give to the people after a personal meeting with Nicholas II:

• white scarf, thrown up - victory for justice, for the people;
• red scarf- the monarch rejected the petition.

Gapon assured the people that the authorities would not take violent and forceful actions against the crowd, which was determined to make an honest decision on the part of the tsar.

What did people bring to the king?

It is worth mentioning separately the main points of the petition to the king. What demands were put forward? Let us list the dominant aspirations of the people:

1. The individual must be free and inviolable;
2. The education of the people is carried out at the expense of the state;
3. Everyone is equal before the law;
4. Separate church and state;
5. Eliminate inspection activities in factories;
6. The working day is no more than 8 hours;
7. Increase wages for workers;
8. Indirect taxes should be abolished;
9. Freedom for trade unions.

This is not the entire list of indicated requests to the autocratic ruler. But these points are enough to understand how much the people were driven into a corner of lack of rights and despair.

The brutal events of January 9, 1905

The letter was drawn up, the leader inspired the people and clearly planned the time for each part of the population to come out from different parts of St. Petersburg in order to carry out a general meeting of all citizens who came out at the Winter Palace. And no one in the crowd of marchers expected subsequent actions from the authorities.

Why the people were met with brutal resistance with the use of weapons - historians still explain differently. Some argue that the desire for unlimited leadership and self-affirmation played an evil game with Gapon and he notified “his own” in the relevant law and order structures, in order to reach the heights of his own ruling.

To add to the credibility of their point of view, these historical scholars list some of the petition's points: freedom of the press, political parties, amnesty for political prisoners. It is unlikely that the people thought about the importance of these requirements, because the main significance of their requests was to get rid of poverty and resolve their needs. This means that the text was written by someone more interested.

Others reject this theory and tend to blame the “inactive” monarch. Indeed, at the time of the nationwide unification, there was no tsar in St. Petersburg. He and his entire family left the city the day before. Again, a dual situation arises.

It is still not clear what development of events Tsar Nicholas II was counting on, whether it was a policy of self-elimination (by that time a tense situation had already been created in the country: the activity of revolutionary organizations was intensifying, industry was stopping, the threat of a political coup was felt) or fear of a threat to one’s life family?

In any case, the absence of the main decision-maker at that time led to tragedy. No order was given from the palace to stop the resistance of the people. Not only were threatening cries used by the marching crowd, but weapons were also mercilessly used.

Until now, the exact number of killed and wounded civilians has not been determined. Many historians are inclined to claim that the number of victims reaches 1000. Official data stated that 131 were killed and 238 wounded.

Sunday January 9, 1905 - the first news of the revolution of 1905-1907

The protest demonstration, which did not foretell any dire consequences, turned into a tragic bloody Sunday on January 9, 1905. The goal of the people of Russia was briefly and clearly stated - to achieve justice by overthrowing the ruling autocratic force in Russia.

As a result of what happened on a January Sunday in 1905, notes of protest against the tsar, who was removed from power in difficult moments of the state, resounded loudly throughout the country. The slogans began to be followed by rallies and active protests from all the outskirts of Russia. It was approaching.

Video: What led to the events of Bloody Sunday?

In this video, historian Oleg Romanchenko will tell you what happened on that Sunday: