VII All-Russian competition of educational and research environmental projects "Man on Earth" Ethnographic research "Animals in the culture of the Ob Ugrians" Organization: MOU SOSH 2, Sovetsky KhMAO-Yugra, Tyumen region Authors: Adamov Vitaly, 9 "a" class Aslanov Zaur, 6 " в »class Supervisor: Adamova Nina Alexandrovna, primary school teacher г г г
Environmental protection is the most pressing issue at the present time. And the worldview of the Khanty and Mansi, like other peoples of the North, has always been deeply environmentally friendly. For many centuries living in the harsh taiga regions, the Ob Ugrians have created an original material culture, perfectly adapted to these environmental conditions. This culture has developed a whole system of rules - prohibitions and prescriptions that every person must follow. “Holy places” became the progenitors of future reserves. Purpose of the research: to study the culture of the indigenous peoples of Ugra - Khanty and Mansi. Research objectives: to study the literature on sacred animals of the indigenous inhabitants of Ugra; conduct a sociological survey of the population; get acquainted with the objects of worship and rituals; study ornaments associated with animals; draw these ornaments; arrange slides for a presentation to school students on this topic.
When studying this issue we found that there is very little literature on this topic. Often I had to work on books, which were in a single copy, and some were taken from the museum of the Berezovsky district. A huge amount of material was collected, but we had to leave that part of the studied, which would be available to the students of the school, since we were going to speak with these materials in front of classmates and students primary school.
Literature: 1. Kulemzin V.M., Lukina N.V. Vakhovsky Ostyaks [Text] / VM Kulemzin, NV Lukina. - Tyumen: Publishing house of Y. Mandriki, from the edge of reserved nature. A reference book for students. / Comp. Vasina A.L., Vasin A.M., Elert N.N. - Yekaterinburg: Publishing house "Aqua-Press", Mythology of the Khanty / V. M. Kulemzin, N. V. Lukina, T. A. Moldanova / Scientific. ed, V.V. Napolskikh. –Tomsk: publishing house of Vol. University, Moldanova T.A. Ornament of the Khanty of the Kazym Ob region: semantics, mythology, genesis. - Tomsk: publishing house Vol. University, Oborotova E.A. From the stove [Text] / E.A. Oborotova. - Novosibirsk: Science Center, Ob Ugrians. / Ch. editor Raishev A.I. - Tyumen: publishing house of IFA "Tyumen", Rombandeeva E.I. The history of the Mansi people (Voguls) and their spiritual culture [Text] / E. I. Rombandeeva. _ Surgut: Northern House, Sheshkin P.E., Shabalina I.D. Mansi ornaments. / EI Rombandeeva - Editor-in-chief.-2nd ed., Rev. and add. - SPb .: branch of the publishing house "Education", 2001.
Carrying out this research work, we systematized the material according to the ideas of the Ob-Ugric peoples about the objects of the living world. The value of this material is that it is an interesting subject for conversations on this topic in primary school and the secondary level in local history. With this presentation, we spoke to classmates and primary school students. Our work attracted the interest of the workers of the local history museum, as they found something new for themselves in it. Studying the literature, we noted that there are very few books on this topic and often used single copies in the district library, and also requested books from the neighboring district (Berezovsky). This topic has not been fully studied yet, we are going to continue working.
Participants of the project: Adamov Vitaly Yuryevich, student of the 9th grade of the secondary school of secondary school 2, Sovetsky KhMAO-Yugra, Tyumen region, member of the circle "Young ethnographer" Aslanov Zaur Aleevich, student of the 6th grade of the municipal educational institution of secondary school 2, Sovetsky KhMAO-Yugra, Tyumen region, member of the circle " Young ethnographer "Vitaly Zaur
Organizations and leaders that contributed to the work: Municipal cultural institution "Museum and Exhibition Center" Sovetsky, director - Natalya Vladimirovna Shabalina; Intersettlement Library of the Soviet District, Ecological and Local Lore Department, Head - Valentina Vasilievna Yablochkova; Museum of arts and crafts "Hanse", head - Nadezhda Ivanovna Kulinskaya; municipal institution culture "Museum and Exhibition Center" Yugorsk
Consultants: leading specialist on the Ministry of Taxes and Tax Collection of the Committee on Social Policy and Health of the Administration of the Soviet District - Dunaeva Nadezhda Anatolyevna; Head of the Ecological Department of the Regional Library - Valentina Vasilievna Yablochkova; Director of the Museum of Decorative and Applied Arts "Hanse" - Kulinskaya Nadezhda Ivanovna Project manager: Adamova Nina Aleksandrovna, primary school teacher of the highest qualification category, honorary worker of general education Postal address: st. New, d. 1-b, apt. 24 Sovetsky KhMAO-Yugra, Tyumen region Phone: 8- (34675) e-mail:
Lit .: Chernetsov V.N.Vogul fairy tales. Collection of folklore of the Mansi people (Voguls). - L., 1935; Balandin A.N. The language of the Mansiysk tale. - L., 1939; Tales of the peoples Siberian North... Issue 2. - Tomsk, 1976.
Municipal educational institution
"Lyantorsk secondary school number 5"
Obsko - Ugrian folklore (sacred legends, songs and heroic tales)
INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………………………………. 3-5
CHAPTER I. Classification folk art Khanty ………………………… ..6-8
CHAPTER II. ……………………………..…9-22
2.1. Sacred legends (songs)……………………………………………….... 9-13
2.2. Stories (heroic tales, legends, bylichki)… ………………………...
CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………… .. 23
LIST OF USED LITERATURE …………………………………… .24
Introduction
The work is devoted to the study of the Obsko-Ugric folklore, presented in the works of oral folk art: sacred legends, songs and heroic tales.
Currently, there is a problem manifested in a low level of motivation to study folk art of the indigenous population. Students can be interested in the traditions and culture of the area where they live if they include such a subject as the literature of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug in the general education curriculum. Therefore, the use of intersubject connections is relevant: the history of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, the geography of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, the literature of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug. The idea arose of referring to works of folklore reflecting the life of the indigenous population. At the same time, it is important to determine the points of contact of various forms of cognition of the surrounding world: cognition through reason in one case and through feelings in another.
As object studies are works of folklore genre,subject studies are depicted in them the life and traditions of the Khanty.
Target research is to disclose folk traditions the indigenous population through the prism of human consciousness in the works of folklore. To achieve this goal, the following were identifiedtasks:
Collect and organize material for research;
Reveal and describe the traditions of the Khanty people using examples from fairy tales, songs and legends;
To establish the possibilities of the practical orientation of the texts under consideration.
The achievement of the set goal and the solution of the above tasks aremethods descriptions, comparisons of functional-semantic analysis.
Practical significance research work consists in the expediency of using its materials and conclusions in the study of various issues of literature, history and geography of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug as academic subjects.
Work structure. Research consists of an introduction, two chapters, a conclusion, a bibliography, and annexes.
Myth, legend, fairy tale are learned concepts.
In essence, all three words mean
the same thing - just a story.
E. Bethe
[Propp V. Ya. Russian fairy tale. - L .: Publishing house
Leningrad University, 1984. - S. 41-46]
It should be noted that the basic school does not solve the problems of teaching and providing sufficient education for the successful self-realization of small ethnic groups. The so-called basic educational process is today a necessary, but by no means a sufficient condition for building that individual trajectory of the child's development, about which the developers of personality-oriented educational paradigms talk so much (N.I. Alekseev, V.V. Serikov, etc.) ...
It is necessary to decide what needs to be given to students, to what extent, and, most importantly, what educational goals will be. Without the preservation of folk art and respect for traditions, it is impossible to imagine the future of a civilized state. And to solve this problem, I allowed myself to turn to the Obsko-Ugric folklore in my research work.
The folklore of the Ob Ugrians has its roots in ancient times. The oral form of creativity, characteristic of all peoples, remained relevant for the Khanty almost until the middle of the 20th century. This phenomenon is due to the fact that the written language among the taiga population of Western Siberia was absent throughout history, and appeared only in the 30s of the 20th century. Until that time, they used pictographic icons that were carved into the trunk of a tree. Such signs marked trails, dangerous places and indicated hunting trophies. And each notch on a special tablet appeared when there was a need for a written account.
For the Ob Ugrians, folklore has no value in itself. This is not art in our understanding of the word, not an element of the aesthetics of life. Folklore is part of the worldview and is closely related to the belief system [I. A. Ivanov Yugra. - Lyantor-1998. - pp. 80-82].
CHAPTER I
Classification of folk art of the Khanty
For the first time, works of folklore were recorded by Hungarian and Finnish scholars in the middle of the 19th century. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Russian scientists joined the process of collecting and processing folklore texts, who made a significant contribution to the development of the classification. When considering this issue, specialists faced a number of problems of both general methodological and specific nature. It is often quite difficult to distinguish a fairy tale from a myth: the vagueness of the criteria, a confusing plot, etc. The complexity of the classification problem is aggravated by the fact that some works of one genre are performed in the technique of another and vice versa. In addition, the speech in the narratives can go in eras of different significance, the attitude to which is strictly differentiated. For example, three epochs were reflected in the perception of the Ob Ugrians: the epoch of primitive creation, the heroic epoch, the epoch of the “Khanty-Mansi” man. It is quite natural that the texts related to the first era enjoy indisputable authority. This makes the development of a uniform classification rather difficult. Nevertheless, conventionally, the entire Ob-Ugric folklore can be divided into three categories: legend, song and story.
The first category, in this case, includes the totality of oral texts that cover the divine era of "creation". These are sacred legends and myths. They are performed quite rarely, during public holidays. However, as noted above, certain text fragments are prohibited for different categories persons. This may include: women, children, members of a different kind, just strangers, etc. A sacred legend can be performed in front of a wide audience, until it comes to a forbidden place. Then the narration is interrupted with an indication that further it is "sacred" and the uninitiated are asked to leave.
The second category includes sacred legends (songs or recitative). The line between legend and song, in its most sublime sense, is extremely blurred and conditional. Eyewitnesses testify that the performance of heroic songs covering the "era of heroes" was accompanied by the same tremendous effort of the narrator. At the end of the plot, he simply collapsed in exhaustion. Sometimes, in order to be able to completely sing a particularly long narrative, he first ate several fly agarics in order to enter a trance and lose the sense of time. Such people were called pankal-ku (fly agaric).
The third category conventionally includes heroic tales, legends and stories. It is characteristic that, in principle, any text can be submitted in prosaic form, but only in the form of a retelling. In this case, certain variations and generalizations are allowed within the competence of the narrator. This technique is used when translating from one language to another.
As you can see, despite the lack of writing, the Ob Ugrians long time successfully used the verbal method of transmitting information. At the same time, what we now call a communication session, they turned into a process that qualitatively separates weekdays and holidays.
CHAPTER II
Features of the folklore of the Khanty people
2.1. Sacred legends (songs)
The manner in which the sacred legend is performed is song or special, recitative. Both of these forms are very characteristic for the performance of any
ritual actions. The opposite is also true: if a text loses its sacred meaning, it becomes prose. The song form of performance is more respected among the O6-Ugric ethnos than the prosaic one. It is believed that in prose "it is possible to invent, but in a song it is impossible". Rhyme greatly contributes to the preservation of a particular text, as it has a clear, predetermined structure. Canonized texts of significant size, as a rule, are denounced in just such a rhymed form, which is more conducive to their preservation.
The old woman heated it up, felt it hot, smoked a pipe, sings Putin's farewell song:
Gentle muksuns dried,
Sweet nelma saved
I will not count fatty ulcers,
There is a lot of pike manure.
It will be easy to winter.
The hero looks at that smoke, strikes the strings of a swan. The strings are burned out:
Olle is my bride,
I've wasted years
Hunting, feasts and conversations.
Olle is my bride,
Now I just think of you.
I will save up by winter
Strength in your wings ._
Wait for me, Olle,
Don't call me a coward.
Music spreads to urmans. The Olle brothers hear, they are angry. A kind people in the lower city rejoice
The recitative form is also often present in the arsenal of the narrator. It represents something in between prose and song, and clearly gravitates towards the latter. There is also a certain rhyme here, which means a clear structure and rhythm. The recitative sounds in a certain timbre and with a predetermined intonation that allows the narrator to accurately reproduce the canonized texts. This is probably one of the most ancient forms of information transmission, when the voice served as the only means of influencing listeners.
Surgut contrasts.
Then the sun shines in a million candles,
Icy dew chills the nights.
Everything is familiar here: albino nights
And flocks of black long nights.
The pines will be chilled in the stabbing frost,
Or will the unpleasant summer grieve,
for many, there is no better edge,
Than a coniferous edge with gaps in birches.
At the moment of the execution of the sacred legend, the performer enters a state that is very close to ecstasy. Monotonously pronounced phrases, built in a certain sequence and given in a set rhythm, bring the state of the human psyche to the threshold when consciousness is turned off. Gradually, the boundaries between reality and textual plot are blurring. The narrator feels like a part of the story, he seems to see everything with his own eyes and conveys to the listeners what is happening at the moment in front of his gaze. The narration is conducted in the first person, as if on behalf of an eyewitness. In turn, listeners begin to experience feelings similar to those experienced by the narrator. They are accomplices in the action, of course, in one way or another. A talented performer is able to completely capture the attention of the audience. At the same time, listeners can be in a state close to hypnotic: their breathing and pulse become more frequent, muscle activity is manifested, etc. As a result, at the end of the narrative, all those present have the feeling that everything that the narrator was talking about has once again come to pass. The world has been renewed, and everything can be started over.
2.2. Stories (heroic tales, legends, bylichki)
Stories differed from sacred legends and songs in that they were performed exclusively in prosaic form. This category can conditionally include heroic tales, legends and stories. It is characteristic that, in principle, any text can be submitted in prosaic form, but only in the form of a retelling. At the same time, certain variations and generalizations are allowed within the competence of the narrator. This technique, for example, is widely used when translating from one language into another or in response to a request from the uninitiated to perform sacred texts.
Fairy tales have great educational potential because they contain wisdom, kindness and beauty that people need so much. Fairy-tale characters live and act on Earth, it is here that traditions and rituals manifest themselves in accordance with certain life patterns. And this creates a positive emotional background.
In one Khanty tale, for example, it is told how, as a reward for a kind and disinterested act, a woodpecker received a beautiful outer garment made of suede and a steel beak. Another tale tells how a father turned his daughter into a bear. A few years later, the hunters identified this girl by the bracelet preserved under the skin of the killed bear. The nature of the story, the very intonation of it, suggests that in the first case we are dealing with a genuine fairy tale, in the second - we have a story before us, telling with full faith about an out of the ordinary, but "true" case.
Of particular interest are the tales of the indigenous peoples of the North - the Khanty and the Mansi, reflecting natural phenomena. Everything in them is laconic, simple and clear. And unlike fairy tales for adults, dialogue is more often used.
So, in a fairy tale "The mouse is warming up" the conversation of a mouse with a stone and water is presented.
He came to the stone and asked:
Big stone, are you really the strongest?
Yes, I really am the strongest, - replied the stone.
If you are the strongest, then why does the water leave cracks on you? The mouse asked.
Water is stronger than me, ”replied the large stone.
It is not for nothing that the people say that water wears away a stone.
In this case, heroic tales are understood as texts chronologically covering the period of the history of the Ob Ugrians during the formation of principalities and the heyday of fortified settlements. As a rule, these are stories about military campaigns and battles of heroes. In this case, the texts usually indicate the names of real historical figures and names of specific settlements, often existing to this day.
OBSK BOGATYR AND HIS SON KESHI-PALAT-POKH.
That was a long time ago. On a large hill near the Ob, three brothers of the hero lived together, they always helped each other.
The eldest lived at the very top, his name was Vun-Wurt - Big Hero. Middle - Orty-Iki - in the middle of the hill. He had seven sons. The younger lived at the bottom of the hill on the very shore, his name was Vankep-Iki. Him
also had seven sons
Fragments of sacred texts often fall into the category of heroic tales. Such a substitution of events becomes possible due to the fact that some mythological plots contain a relevant educational and instructive subtext. At the same time, both the names and the place of action of the main characters are subject to changes, and at the same time some especially forbidden fragments are excluded.
COATS ARE SUCH WHITE.
An old grandfather - an old one lived with an ancient grandmother in the forest. It was winter. Grandfather went to the forest to hunt partridges. Partridges in all white, except for their eyes, ran through the forest around the mountain, and grandfather began to film - put horsehair loops on them. A kind, dexterous hunter grandfather - steam from the mouth, eyes are sharp, lively and warm.
Thus, a significant number of texts are removed from the prohibitions, which become the property of wide layers of the population. In the folklore of the Ob Ugrians, a whole direction of this kind of parallel plots has developed and actively exists.
Traditions are usually viewed as "grandfather's covenants." In essence, they are very close to fairy tales in the generally recognized sense of the word. Their main purpose is to explain a number of incomprehensible phenomena, to clarify certain behavioral norms and rules, as well as prescriptions, guidelines for action in certain cases. As a rule, legends are moral in nature and are designed to educate the younger generation.
WHY THE HOUSE FALLED.
Previously, the Ob Khanty moved with their families to work twice a year. During the autumn and winter they lived on the hill in winter yurts. Before the snow they took lingonberries, peeled the cedar cones and cut the nuts. And along the first white path we went to hunt, hunted the animal before the thaws. From spring hanty to summer
yurts descended to the fishing spot. And the most catchy area of old Trenka, where As and Tanat - the big rivers Ob and Irtysh met.
Among the Ob Ugrians, it is not uncommon to include in this category fairy tales of other peoples, for example, Russians.
PULLEY.
There lived a widower hunter in urman. He had a daughter, Tasya, who was eight sables high. The widower did not know grief with her.
A proverb from the legend "why the house fell down": Seven do not wait for one - said the young fisherman to his relatives. - I heard it from the Russians.
If the essence of the borrowed plot meets the necessary requirements and is relevant, then the text can go practically unchanged, with the same composition of characters and objects. However, there are frequent cases of linking other people's tales to their own, local conditions and heroes. In any case, the fairy tale becomes "one of our own", since the attitude towards reliability is triggered.
And stories, no matter what category they belong to, are widely popular among the taiga inhabitants. The prosaic form of narration does not impose such stringent requirements on the narrator, therefore, in a number of cases, it is considered as entertainment. For example, this form of recreation is sometimes used during long boat trips, but more often at the end of a working day. Sometimes the narration could drag on all night, until the morning.
Thus, the oral form of transmission of complex and detailed information, in fact, was the only way to preserve it for posterity. On the other hand, some elements of what is commonly called folk art are in fact constituent parts of a belief system. The latter circumstance gives grounds to assert that the origins of the Ob-Ugric folklore are truly lost in the darkness of millennia.
CONCLUSION
The study of oral folk art (legends, songs, fairy tales) allows us to draw the following conclusions.
Legends, songs, fairy talesare of particular value. Their content, imagery, brevity and diversity contribute to awakening interest in many issues studied in the course of literature, history, geography, as well as the use of knowledge in various life situations.
Literary texts of oral folk art are an acceptable basis for the formation of aesthetic taste and at the same time contribute to the education of culture and the preservation of the traditions of the indigenous population.
The use of rich and varied folklore material can contribute to the formation of positive motivation for students to study folk art.
Bibliography
Ivanov I.A. Ugra. // Lyantor. 1998
Propp V. Ya. Russian fairy tale. // L .: Publishing house of the Leningrad University. 1984
Eliade M. Shamanism. Archaic techniques of ecstasy. // Sofia. 1993
Fedorova E.G. Ob Ugrians. // Siberia, ancient ethnic groups and their cultures. S.-P. 1996
Taxi Ch. M. Shaman and the Universe. // Shaman and the Universe. S.-P. 1997
Golovnev A.V. Talking Cultures. // Ekaterinburg. 1995
Lapina M.A. Ethics and etiquette of the Khanty. // Tomsk. 1998
Rombandeeva E.R. Mansiyskie tales // St. Petersburg: Alphabet. 1996
Dyadyun S.D. Sunbeam: Khanty folk riddles for children // Tomsk: Publishing house of Tomsk University. 2006
Ozhegov, S.I., Shvedova, N.Yu. Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language // M. 2003
Annex 1
The material was recorded in the ethnographic museum of the town of p. Lyantor. We express our sincere gratitude to the residents who cherish the traditions of their ancestors in their memory. Such as:
Sengepova Svetlana Mikhailovna
Bulusheva Nadezhda Mikhailovna
Sinyukaeva Nadezhda Vasilievna
annotation
The research work is devoted to the study of sacred legends, fairy tales and songs presented in the works of oral folk art of the Khanty.
In the process of working with small genres of folk art, material is presented that reflects the life, customs and traditions of the Ob-Ugric population. The collected material testifies to the observation of the people, their ability to speak brightly, figuratively, succinctly about traditions and life phenomena.
Ob Ugrians - Mansi and Khanty - peoples of the North, living in Western Siberia along the river. Ob and its tributaries. There are about 21 thousand Khanty people, Mansi - almost 7.6 thousand people. The Khanty and Mansi languages belong to the Ob-Ugric subgroup of the Finno-Ugric languages (the Ugric branch).
The modern anthroponymic model of the Khanty and Mansi is three-member: first name, patronymic and last name; it was established at the end of the 18th century. after the Christianization of the population. Names ( russians) were given to the Khanty and Mansi at baptism Russians priests. Among Russians there were many old names: Solomeya, Evlampia, Uliania, Vlas, Patrakei, Andron, Neonila and others. Until now, some older Khanty living in remote wilderness areas have preserved names that are now extremely rare: Secletinha, Judas, Appolinaria, Gerasim and others. Young people, on the contrary, have very diverse names, like old (Joseph, Emelyan, Samoil, Agafya, Domna, Thekla), and new (Oktyabrina, Albina, Albert, Vyacheslav, Stanislav, German etc.).
The Ob Ugrians are very susceptible to new names that are spread among them through the newcomers. This has its own explanation. According to Khanty and Mansi beliefs, out of two people with the same names and living in the same village (and earlier, perhaps, within the same genealogical group), one must die. Therefore, the child was given a name that no one in the village bore.
Before joining Russians the Khanty and Mansi had neither surnames nor patronymics. The first russians documents of the 16th century (so-called yasak books) fix them under the names: Vanho, Yeldan, Ka-cheda, Kilim, Agna, Sebeda, Pynzha, Saltyk, Yugra, Akhtamak and etc.
Apparently, earlier the Ob Ugrians had a custom to give several names. After the birth of a child, during the rite of fortune-telling - the determination of his soul, he was given the name of that deceased ancestor or relative, whose soul, as it was "found out" during the ceremony, had moved into the newborn. In this regard, the number of such hereditary names that make up the fund of a certain genealogical group should have been limited, since within this group, names for newborns were given only in honor of the ancestors of this group. There are instructions from researchers that it was strictly forbidden to give names borrowed from the fund of another genealogical group; this could cause hostile actions by that group.
Among the Khanty and Mansi, there was a custom to give names to newborns either by the name of the first person they met, or by the fact that the first to see that came out of the house: birds, animals, or something, which was born with that name. These names were everyday and, as it were, false, since the name given in honor of the ancestor could not be pronounced aloud until it was established that the soul had taken over the child; dummy names, according to the Khanty and Mansi, hid the child from hostile forces that could destroy him. In those cases when children often died in the family, the child was given a name that had any derogatory meaning ("blowfly", "garbage"). It was believed that a child with this name will not attract the attention of evil spirits and will live longer. The child bore this name for several (3 - 5) years, until a decision was made that the soul of some kindred moved into him. In the literature, there are also indications that from the moment of maturity, young people received a third name, which they wore until their death. It is possible that receiving it was associated with initiation rites.
We can only assume that with the arrival in Western Siberia Russians and the introduction of obligatory Christian names, obviously second, dummy, names were replaced by Christian ones. It is also possible that Russians documents of the 16th - early 17th century. the traditional names of the Ob Ugrians have been recorded, belonging to the names of the third category (since the documents list adult men). Whether these third names coincided with the hereditary names given at birth cannot be established without special research, which has not yet been carried out.
The ancient names of the Khanty and Mansi in some cases are etymologically close to nicknames and were associated with certain qualities of a person, features of appearance, etc., for example: Nyarokh'Bald head', Unhu’Big man’ etc. Their other names, attested in Russians documents of the 17th - 18th centuries, are associated with an appeal to a person by the degree of kinship: Asia'Father', Ay FSU'Little son', etc. I must say that when referring to each other, the Khanty and Mansi rarely use names, most often they (especially relatives) use the terms of kinship: iki’Man’ - an appeal of a wife to her husband, by them’Woman’ - an appeal from a husband to his wife, FSUs'Son', evi’Daughter’ - parents' address to their son, daughter, etc. Prohibitions to name certain relatives - father-in-law, mother-in-law, father-in-law, mother-in-law, son-in-law, daughter-in-law - were especially widespread. They were only addressed using the term kinship. But most often the traditional names of the Ob Ugrians are associated with the surrounding objects or human qualities, that is, they are formed from the appellatives of a living language: Chukhpelek'Fast', Anyang’Beautiful’, Nerin'Stutter', etc.
From these names Russians patronymics were formed by priests and government officials, for example: Yuzor is Yuzorin's son, Aydar is Aydar's son, Kyrnysh is Kirnyshov's son. Later, such patronymics began to act as the surnames of the Khanty and Mansi. Patronymics at this time were already established from Christian names introduced in the 18th century. In the documents of the XVII century. there are still lists of names and either patronymics or surnames derived from them: Elgoza Losmov and his son Loyda Elgozin, Kynlabaz and his son Kynlabazov and others. Simultaneously on Russian Documents (registers of births, revision tales, etc.) traced the process of replacing the former names of the Ob Ugrians with Christian ones. In the XIX century. we no longer find pre-Christian names in them; they are preserved only as the root parts of the Ob-Ugric surnames. In pre-revolutionary times, the set of official names was small. Often the names of different persons were the same. This contradicted the Ob-Ugric ideas. Sometimes even one family had several sons named Ivan or daughters named Marya, since the priests gave names at baptism according to the calendar. Therefore, in the sphere of family and everyday communication of the Khanty and Mansi, pre-Christian names were preserved along with the official ones. Official names were used most often Russian population living in the vicinity of Ob Ugrians... Only in our time, in a number of districts along the Ob, the official names have finally won out in everyday life.
The surnames of the Khanty and Mansi were formed with the help of Russians suffixes and endings. Among them, the most common on -ov (Osterov, Toyarov, Taimanov, Taratov, Moldanov, Angishupov, Sigilietov, Kolmakov etc.) and -ev (Tushev, Sabeev, Artanzeev, Rombandeev, Tomyspaev, Alachev and etc.). A large group of surnames ends in -in (Taligin, Pakin, Sheshkin, Prasin, Rogin, Kostin, Sinarpin), occasionally - on -yn (Tsymbitsyn, Rantsyn, Pantsyn, Sytsyn) etc. The surnames on -khov or -kov: Sainakhov, Poslankhov, Aypohov, Zhizhimkhov, Kurokov, Pelikov, Erdakov, Ezekov etc. The origin of these surnames is associated with the Obskougorsk names of the type Syryanko, Yerkimko(patronymic - Ershikov), Sultanko, Yurlymko, Nirimko etc., in which -NS(in Other dialects - ku, ho) in Khanty means 'man'. Due to the different pronunciation of this word, there are frequent cases of transition To from name to NS in the last name (Vogalko - Vogalkhov) or the same transition in surnames (Rusmelikov - Rusmelikhov). There are known cases of changes in the endings of similar surnames (Rusmelikhov - Rusmilenko), probably influenced by the language of the newcomer population. Origin of surnames ending in -cov g hov, possibly related to Russian the manner of writing the Names in the 16th - 17th centuries. with suffix -ka: Ivashka, Vaska, Emelka, Lobe, Moroska, Cheboksarka and so on. -kum (kum, hum in Mansi 'man'): Voikumov, Lomytkumov, Kvasinkumov, Nermakumov, Sovyskumov, Taushkumov. Occasionally there are first and last names containing both suffixes (NS and -kum): Votekumko, Katkumkov. Perhaps they reflect the complex ethnic processes of migration and mixing of the Khanty and Mansi. Occasionally there are surnames that are the same as traditional names: Chukhla, Pugunya, Vogal, Lithuania; some of them (Tregupta - Taragupta)- Samoyed origin. Surnames with Russian-Siberian ending are very rare -th (Painykh). In the XIX century. a small group of surnames with the ending in -th, -th(mainly of toponymic origin): Balytsky, Yugansky, Tsynginsky(from the names of rivers, areas - rivers Balyk, Yugan; Tsynginskiy yurts), Zmanovsky, Kailovsky, Terimsky(most likely related to the newcomer population).
Ancient names are preserved in everyday life in some areas and now, for example, such male names, how Oloko, Aptya, Ulya iki (iki'Old man'), Sertush iki, Unhu, Nyarokh, Ai FSU, Kulkatli('The devil caught'), Kuchum('Drunk man'), and such female names, how Weng im (im’Woman’), Una pelki them('Big half woman'), Mansion Katya('Beautiful Katya'), Mos ne('Mos' woman'). They are also used when addressing strangers, but only if the conversation takes place in one's own environment; official names are used if the environment is foreign or mixed.